VII. Summary The USEUCOM Strategy of Engagement and Preparedness is derived directly from the National Military Strategy and other national guidance; it is based on the traditional ends-ways-means model. USEUCOM has an historic opportunity to support the emergence of a security environment better than the nations of its vast AOR have ever known; at the same time, it faces serious dangers. We confront a security environment of great complexity and conflict in our four regions. In such an environment, quality personnel are a prerequisite for achieving our missions. ber that we must always be prepared to fight to win because that capability undergirds our presence and all our other efforts; because it is the ultimate guarantor of our country's well-being. Across the spectrum of conflict, we leverage the contributions of our allies and friends — contributions made as a result of our continued engagement and shared interests. Joint Vision 2010 points the way toward the most effective use of operational concepts we use today, and whose full potential we strive to achieve as fullspectrum dominance. Implementing our strategic concepts through our daily engagement and preparedness activities requires significant resources in the form of forces, infrastructure, and funding. It is through the effective implementation of this strategy that... We have two overarching military strategic objectives-promote stability and thwart aggression — and we translate them into appropriate theater objectives. We have three major strategic concepts. Engage in peacetime is our most forward-looking concept, because through it we shape the security environment for a better future, consciously using military forces and resources in proactive ways to reduce the likelihood of future armed conflict. We have adopted respond to crisis because the dynamic international security environment inevitably provides instances of aggression that in themselves damage our national interests and that, if left unchecked, can lead to much wider conflict. In addition, some humanitar-Force, Navy, Marines, and dedicated civilians— ian disasters can be controlled initially only with military resources before being handed over to the appropriate civilian agencies. Finally, we remem The European Command stands ready to support the national security objectives of the United States of America as an integral part of NATO, as a crisis response force in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, or as a force that can fight and win. We are a forward-deployed force; we are a clear symbol of American commitment and resolve in times of instability and uncertainty; we are a visible representation of American values and ideals and respect for individual dignity. We are one team—Army, Air committed to a clear vision and a mission. ONE TEAM-ONE FIGHT! 20 20 USEUCOM STRATEGY OF ENGAGEMENT AND PREPAREDNESS Chairman THURMOND. Admiral Prueher. STATEMENT OF ADM. JOSEPH W. PRUEHER, U.S. NAVY, COMMANDER IN CHIEF, U.S. PACIFIC COMMAND Admiral PRUEHER. Mr. Chairman, it is a great pleasure to be here to present the Pacific Command posture, and we shift a halfa-world away from what General Joulwan has been talking about. The Asia-Pacific region is pivotal in our world and in our future. There are a large litany of statistics which are in my written statement, which I will not pursue now, but the Asia-Pacific region is becoming a center of gravity for economics and population and for economic growth in the world, and we must not forget that we have fought three wars there in this last century. It is a region that is generally at peace, but it is not conflict free. This peace in the Asia-Pacific region is brokered by U.S. presence and engagement in conjunction with our allies and with our friends. there. The Asia Pacific region leaders give credit to the United States for this peace. This security underwrites the stable conditions which permit the economic prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. It benefits the region, the global economy, as well as the United States. Our region, like Europe, is one that is marked by the confluence of security issues, economic issues, as well as diplomatic issues, which are so intertwined that they cannot be advanced independently. But this also provides the framework in which we conduct the U.S. strategy in support of our national military strategy. Our strategy is one, and it is similar to what General Joulwan has talked about in Europe, is one of cooperative engagement, from which we have a great number of lessons. Cooperative engagement consists of three parts. One is peacetime engagement, which we do day to day which shapes the environment, promotes the peace and avoids crises and keeps crises from developing into conflicts. The second part of it is the ability to respond to crises. Almost exactly a year ago today we were responding to a crisis in the Taiwan Straits, and kept a lid on that situation so that it did not erupt into a major conflict, and it supported our U.S. commitment to the peaceful resolution of the China-Taiwan issue. The third part of cooperative engagement is the ability to fight and win in a decisive way. It is these three elements that enables us to operate in the lower spectrum of conflict. I will reserve for questions comments about the various nations and going through them, but I think China and Korea and some of the other nations in the region will be of interest to the committee. Essentially, our region is one in which our forward engagement and forward-deployed forces are effective and they work. It is the correct approach to cope with uncertainty in the region. Our combat forces and their capabilities, as well as our national will, enable our national policy to work. We have about the right amount of resources to conduct this policy in support of national goals, for which we thank the committee. We need ready, capable forces, forward-deployed and strategically positioned. The number that we have in the area is about 100,000, which is about the right number to cope with the distance and the mobility issues that we have in our region. This 100,000 is really a metric for capabilities represented by the III Marine Expeditionary Force (MEF), the 7th Fleet, the 5th and the 7th Air Forces, 8th Army, as well as the SOC forces in the region. I also echo General Joulwan's statement about the effectiveness of the international military education and training program (IMET), in which there are three leaders in our region that are graduates of the various staff and war colleges in our Nation, one of which is the Minister of Defense of Korea, another is the head of the defense forces in Indonesia, another is the head of the defense forces in Singapore. There are many others at lower levels that also are a tribute to this highly leveraged, well-spent funds on IMET. Another initiative we have is the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, which was a follow-on concept to the George Marshall Center in Europe, whereby we are now having our second class go through. We have military, economic, academic, and diplomatic leaders in the Asia-Pacific region from the 44 nations there, and we are looking to reap the benefits of that in the future. Only the U.S. can take the lead. For our geographic CINCs, stewardship of the resources of the people and the assets and the funds allotted to us is something that is very important. Frequently we are accused of just taking the short view. We cannot do that. We must take the long view, as well. We are responsible and accountable for day-to-day activities, but we must take the long view because of readiness, which is important to us, modernization is another way of talking about future readiness. We must not ask for more than we need, and we must always consider prudent risk in all our plans. In conclusion, in the Asia-Pacific region our assets are ready, they are adequate, but they are highly stretched, and we thank you for your help that you have provided in the past and look forward to it in the future. I am prepared for your questions, sir. [The prepared statement of Admiral Prueher and related information follow:] PREPARED STATEMENT BY ADM. JOSEPH W. PRUEHER Mister Chairman, Members of the committee/subcommittee: On behalf of the men and women of the United States Pacific Command, thank you for this opportunity to provide you my theater security perspective on our region. The past year at the Pacific Command has been busy, enlightening, and rewarding, with many opportunities for dialogue with key U.S. and foreign officials and military leaders, service members and their families, and U.S. civilians. This report also marks the Pacific Command's fiftieth year of promoting peace and security in Asia and the Pacific. Though most of the region today bears little resemblance to the immediate postWorld War II scene, the importance of strong U.S. military presence and engagement continues. Our presence, together with the cooperation of our allies and friends throughout the region, deter conflict and continue to underwrite the stable conditions upon which economic prosperity depends. This statement begins with a brief assessment of our area of responsibility, a review of our strategy, a report on how our strategy is working, and ends with some essential resources and needed support. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY SECURITY. The Asia-Pacific, perhaps more than any other region, represents a confluence of the security, diplomatic, and economic elements of international power. This confluence helps define the significance of the region to the U.S. and the world, and drives our strategy of presence and engagement to promote and protect our national interests. Our Government's leaders as well as those throughout the region agree that security, brokered primarily by U.S. military engagement and presence, underwrites the stable conditions upon which regional economic prosperity depends. JAPAN. While many other issues draw our attention, our security relationship with Japan is pivotal to the entire region. Our united efforts are the foundation for peace and stability throughout the Pacific. The tangible Japanese support for our forces gives us the strategic reach necessary to deter conflict and to prevail in war. We should continue to nurture the United States-Japan relationship as the cornerstone of security and stability for Asia and the Pacific. NORTH KOŘEA. North Korea's downward trends lead most observers to agree that economic and governmental change will occur. Due to North Korea's opaqueness, the timing and pace of change are uncertain-1 to 10 years perhaps, but it could come faster. Our immediate security concern is North Korea's ability to lash out if cornered. Our commitment of 37,000 U.S. troops plus our solidarity with our Republic of Korea and United Nations partners mitigate against that. We are also working to shape and accommodate eventual North-South reconciliation. CHINA. China will be a backdrop against which many regional activities are played. We share regional concern about China's military modernization and lack of transparency on security objectives. Our military-to-military contact with the People's Liberation Army (PLA) is important, not only to improve transparency, but also because of the PLA's influence on China's security policies. We see Hong Kong as a harbinger of China's ability to integrate into the global community as a responsible player. We can also expect perturbations on Taiwan issues, although we are much better off than we were a year ago. Peaceful resolution of cross-Strait tensions will be a long-term process where it is not in any party's interest to use force. We do not view China as an immediate threat and are cautiously optimistic about China's evolving leadership role in Asia. We have decades of steady work ahead, to patiently engage China from a position of strength and resolve, focusing on our interests while respecting theirs. OTHER NÁTIONS. The other countries in the region also deserve our attention and military-to-military engagement. Although India's immediate concern is with Pakistan and the Kashmir, India's long-term military concern is China. Economically, India also looks east, particularly to Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asian nations, with their burgeoning economies, are modernizing their armed forces. To date, these military enhancements are balanced and appropriate. TREATIES. Our treaty partnerships with Australia, Thailand and the Philippines are solid. Australia remains an especially staunch friend and regional supporter who highly values its defense relationship with us. Thailand is a model of access and mutual training. Continued military-to-military interaction with these countries is important to ensure that the relationships are not taken for granted. STRATEGIC CONCEPT. Our strategy of engagement and presence throughout Asia and the Pacific is the right solution for shaping an otherwise uncertain future. Our investment in peacetime engagement is more effective than a strategy based solely on reacting and fighting. The readiness of our combat forces and the will to use them to fight and win are essential to rendering peacetime engagement possible and successful. FORCES. Forward-deployed forces of about 100,000 military personnel mitigate the tyranny of distance in the Pacific and are the regional metric of our commitment. Maintaining our forward-deployed, forward-based, and CONUS reinforcing forces is essential to our strategy's success in peace, crisis and war. The resources allocated to PACOM are appropriate and necessary if the U.S. is to continue to be an active, engaged player, partner, and beneficiary in this vital region. THE ASIA-PACIFIC ENVIRONMENT The unique Asia-Pacific region is important to the U.S. for a number of reasons. It goes well beyond the fact that we fought three wars in Asia in this century. A confluence of political, diplomatic, economic, and security issues help define the significance of the Pacific Command Area of Responsibility (AOR) which encompasses this region: • The Pacific Command AOR includes 44 countries representing many different forms of government. • More than 56 percent of the world's population lives in the Pacific Command's AOR. • Many developing countries in the Asia-Pacific region have economies growing at an annual rate greater than 7 percent. • Thirty-eight percent of U.S. international trade is with this region. This is double our amount of trade with Europe, and more than our trade with North and South America combined. • U.S. exports to the Asia-Pacific region account for more than 3 million American jobs. • Foreign exchange reserves of the countries in the region total over $600 Billion. • Sixty percent of the world's economic growth over the next decade is expected in this region. • Eight of the world's nine largest armed forces are located in or operate in the region. • Five of seven U.S. defense treaties are with nations in the region. These commitments bind the U.S. legally and morally to the region. The confluence of these factors inextricably links the U.S. with the Nations of the Asia-Pacific region. Rapid changes which are occurring throughout the region also challenge present and future U.S. security interests: Expanding commercial ties and market competition will increasingly affect our relationships within and without the region. • Increasing regional energy demands, particularly in India, China, and Japan, will stress global energy supplies. • Rapid industrialization, urbanization, and diminishing agrarian sectors pressure the region's states, domestically and internationally. • As economies expand globally, there are corresponding increases in reliance on shipping lanes and vulnerability from sea-lane chokepoints. • The propensity for rapid technical modernization of militaries increases as economies flourish and dual-use technologies become available and affordable. • The region faces a potential proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. • Historic animosities and enduring ethnic and ideological differences simmer among and within countries. • U.S. relationships will be affected as "Asian values" shape the evolution of national, regional, and international institutions. Engagement and presence of credible, combat-capable forces are key to safeguarding our national interests and coping with regional challenges and uncertainties. As Japanese Prime Minister Hashimoto stated during his January trip to ASEAN capitals, the most important factor for peace and stability in the region is "... the presence of the United States in Asia." Virtually all Asia-Pacific leaders agree with Prime Minister Hashimoto. They join in consensus with the leaders of our Government that security, brokered primarily by U.S. military presence and engagement, underwrites the stable conditions upon which regional economic prosperity depends. COOPERATIVE ENGAGEMENT IN PEACE, CRISIS, AND WAR Pacific Command's strategic concept of Cooperative Engagement is designed to accomplish three major goals: In peacetime, shape the regional environment to render conflicts and crises less likely. • In times of crisis, resolve specific situations on terms that advance our long-range interests. • In war, win quickly and decisively with minimum loss of life. In Peace We believe a strategy that protects the Nation's interests without fighting is far more effective and less costly than a strategy based on fighting. As a result, the preponderance of our activities today are aimed at conflict prevention-making conflicts and crises in the region less likely by shaping the security environment. These peacetime activities are designed to accomplish a range of subordinate objectives including: • Sustaining regional peace and stability • Deterring the use of force and encouraging peaceful resolution to conflicts • Fulfilling security treaties and agreements • Ensuring freedom of navigation on the sea and in the air • Countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction • Promoting security cooperation • Communicating U.S. interests and commitment |