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Hall to him in one of his letters) where to find you; to-day you are with the Romanists, to-morrow with us; our adversaries think you ours, and we theirs; your conscience finds you with both and neither; how long will you halt in this indifferency?" To unite the Anglican and Roman Churches was the great design of Laud; and in the absence of this union it was his policy to keep as close in worship and discipline and all outward things as possible. His refusal of a Cardinal's hat was accompanied with the remark, that he could not accept it as Rome then was. It was the supreme authority and metro-political influence of the Pope that was mainly objected to. If, like the Gallican Church, the Anglican Church had stood up for the supremacy of councils over the Pope, there was nothing either in the doctrines or practices of the Church of Rome which presented insuperable obstacles to the return of the English Establishment, under Laud, to the so-called Catholic Church.

In order to pave the way for this, instructions were from time to time issued, bringing the rites and service of the English Church nearer to Catholic usage. Churches also were to be repaired and decorated with pictures and ornaments. The communion-table was to be removed from the central part of the church, and placed in the chancel, and called the altar. Round the altar a railing was to be placed, before which the people, reverently kneeling, were to receive the consecrated elements. At the public services various innovations were introduced, such as the consecration of churches by outward ceremonies. The descriptions left on record of the opening of St. Catherine Creed Church, the first that was consecrated in the new way, are exactly such as might have suited the opening of a Popish cathedral by a prelate of the Church of Rome. The ministers who refused to comply, or, still more, who ventured to preach against doctrinal or outward innovations, were silenced either by deprivation or imprisonment. The re-publication of the "Book of Sports," in 1633, was an occasion of increased violence of persecution. Nor did the clergy alone suffer. Towards the end of that year, Prynne, a barrister of Lincoln's-inn, having published a book entitled, "Histrio-mastix; or, the Play's Scourge," shewing the evil of plays and masques, was sentenced to be turned out of the Society of Lincoln's-inn, to be degraded from his profession, to stand in the pillory, to lose both his ears, to pay a fine of 5,000l., and to suffer perpetual imprisonment. Dr. Bastwick, a physician of Colchester, for having, in a book published about the same time, "Elenchus religionis Papistica," denied the divine right of bishops. above presbyters, was discarded his profession, excommunicated, fined, and imprisoned. The case of Dr. Alexander Leighton was one of the worst. Having been brought before Laud, he was sent to Newgate, and treated there for a long period most cruelly. When brought for trial before the Court of High Commission, Laud desired that the heaviest sentence might be passed which the Court could inflict. He was condemned to be degraded from the ministry, to have his ears cut, his nose slit, and to be branded in the face, to be pilloried, to pay 10,000l., or to suffer perpetual imprisonment. When the sentence was pronounced, Laud pulled off his hat, and, holding up his hands, gave God thanks, who had given him the victory over his enemies.

In the curious old diary of Adam Martindale,* a Presbyteriɛ in minister, of Lancashire,

* Reprinted by the Claetham Society, of Manchester.

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the following entry occurs, briefly, but ex- counsel, the cause was pleaded before all the pressively, referring to these times :-"Great Judges of the Exchequer Chamber. The animosities were set on foot regarding mono- trial lasted several weeks, when seven Judges polies and ship-money; chief ministers of gave sentence in favour of the Crown, and State, such as the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland four for Mr. Hampden. By this judgment (Wentworth, now Lord Strafford), Lord all men were forced into acquiescence with Keeper Finch, and Secretary Windabanke, the illegal exactions of the Council, and every almost everywhere spoken against. Arch- hope of redress from courts of law was extinbishop Laud, and several bishops, and their guished. It appeared that not only the chaplains, taxed with innovations, licensing Crown, but the Judges were now also above Popish and Socinian bookes, and persecuting Parliament, and could overbear the principles many godly ministers to deprivation itself. of the constitution. Great numbers prepared The censures also, and deep sufferings of to seek in other lands that liberty of which Prynne, Bastwick, Burton, Leighton, Lil- every vestige was being destroyed in England. bourne, and others, were much ventilated." Even this sad privilege was however grudged This notice gives us a glimpse into the state of to them. His Majesty issued an order feeling throughout England, and shews how hibiting all masters and owners of ships from the civil and religious discontents were work-permitting passengers to leave England withing which soon were to break forth in civil out special license from the Privy Council. Eight ships lying in the Thames, and ready to sail for America, were stayed by command of the Council. On board of these were Hampden and Cromwell!

war.

An occurrence that happened about this time evinces what spirit Laud manifested toward Protestantism, and also illustrates the relation in which the Reformed Churches abroad stood to the Prelatic and the Presbyterian parties in England respectively. The Queen of Bohemia, the King's sister, solicited the King, in the most pressing manner, to admit of a public collection over England for the poor persecuted ministers of the Palatinate, who were banished their country for their religion. Accordingly, the King granted them a brief to go through the kingdom, but when it was brought to the Archbishop he excepted against the following clause:-". . . whose cases are the more to be deplored, because this extremity is fallen upon them for their sincerity and constancy in the true religion which we together with them professed, and which we are bound in conscience to maintain to the utmost of our powers. Whereas these religious and godly persons being involved amongst others their countrymen, might have enjoyed their estates and fortunes, if with other backsliders in the times of trial they would have submitted themselves to the antichristian yoke, and have renounced or dissembled the profession of their religion." His Grace had two exceptions to this passage. 1. The religion of the Palatinate Churches is affirmed to be the same with ours, which he denied, because they were Calvinists, and because their ministers had not Episcopal ordination. 2. He objected to the Church of Rome being called an antichristian yoke, because it would then follow that she was in no capacity to convey sacerdotal power in ordinations, and consequently the benefit of the priesthood and the force of holy ministrations would be lost in the English Church, forasmuch as she has no orders but what she derives from the Church of Rome. Laud having acquainted the King with his exceptions, they were expunged in another draught. But the collection not succeeding in this way, Drs. Sibbes, Gouge, and other divines of the Presbyterian party, signed a private recommendatory letter, desiring their friends to enlarge their charity, as to men of the same faith and profession with themselves, and promising to see the right distribution of the money; but as soon as Laud heard of it he cited the divines before the High Commission, and put a stop to the collection.*

In the year 1637 an attempt was made, by a legal process with the Crown, to defend the constitutional rights of the people. John Hampden had been rated at twenty shillings, of ship-money, for his estate in Buckinghamshire. Having obtained two eminent lawyers, Mr. St. John and Mr. Holbourn, as his

Neale's "History of the Puritans."-- Vol. I., 475.

pro

How the English people bore so much and endured so long as they did, is to us justly matter of surprise. By what means at length the suppressed and smouldering flame was made to burst forth we must now briefly relate.

In June 1633 Charles went to Scotland, where, with much ceremony, he received the crown of that kingdom. The general tone of public feeling on this occasion may be gathered from the words of the Lord Loudon to his Majesty:-"Sire, the people of Scotland will obey you in everything with the utmost cheerfulness, provided you do not touch their religion and conscience." But Charles had resolved to carry out the ecclesiastical changes begun by his father, James I. Having now, as he thought, firmly established his power in the State, it was time to bring the three kingdoms into perfect conformity in that form of religion which he deemed most agreeable to absolute monarchy. During the preceding thirty years a succession of encroachments had been made by the Crown on the privileges of the Scottish Kirk, and innovations had been introduced, so that the Episcopal worship and government was fully restored before the accession of Charles in 1625. The leading Presbyterian ministers were either banished or silenced. Free Synods or Assemblies were no longer permitted to sit. Mock Assemblies were occasionally held for form's sake; the last of which, at Perth. in August, 1618, is thus described in Row's History:-"This Assembly was not made up of commissioners sent from Presbyteries, but of bishops, doctors, deans, and such ministers as were the bishops' followers; then the King had his commissioners, and there were sundry noblemen and gentlemen who were written for by the King and bishops to keep the said Assembly; and sundry commissioners, sent from Presbyteries, were not called upon, nor got any vote there, the Moderator knowing what they would say." In such an Assembly it is not surprising that a majority was found willing to vote for sanctioning various articles of conformity with the English Church, which are usually known by the name of "the Five Articles of Perth." From this time the bishops maintained complete ascendancy, and no General Assembly was held for twenty years afterwards.

Such was the position of ecclesiastical affairs when Charles, accompanied by Land, came to Scotland in 1633. Not satisfied with the comparatively moderate Episcopacy and diluted Calvinism then prevalent, they determined to enforce a more rigid Anglo-Catholic and Arminian system. On returning to Eng

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land the King left in charge with the bishops to compile a new Liturgy and a Book of Canons, in which they were to be aided by Juxon, Bishop of London, and Wren, Bishop of Norwich. The Scottish prelates warned Laud of the danger that might attend these changes, and the impossibility of enforcing the new Service-book on the people. The only reply that Laud gave was the procural of a warrant from the King, commanding the Scottish bishops to go forward at all events, threatening that if they moved heavily, or threw in unnecessary delay, they would be removed, and their sees filled with Churchmen of more zeal and resolution. At length a Royal ordinance was sent down, intimating that on Sabbath, the 23d July, the new Service-book would be read in all the churches. This was too much for the Scottish people to stand. On the day appointed great crowds attended the churches, and soon gave unequivocal expression of their feelings. At St. Giles' Cathedral, in Edinburgh, where the archbishops and bishops, with the Lords of Session, the magistrates of the city, and other public functionaries, had assembled in great state, no sooner was the fatal book opened than noises and interruptions commenced; and an old woman, Janet Geddes, throwing her stool at the desk, with abuse of the dean who was officiating, the tumult became general and the service was interrupted. The dean threw off his surplice and fled, to escape being torn in pieces by the crowd, and the Bishop of Edinburgh had to retire under protection of the magistrates' guard. Similar scenes took place throughout the country. At Glasgow the officiating minister was pelted with peats, and being seized by the women was beaten by them till he was glad to escape with no deadly damage. These tumultuous riots shew the popular mind, but the feeling of determined resistance was no longer confined to the common people. A great many of the Protestant noblemen and gentlemen, with their retainers, came to Edinburgh from all parts of the country, and having sent a supplication to the King for the suppression of the Service-book, determined to wait till the reply came down. A slight concession at this juncture might have prevented the civil war. But a new proclamation came from the infatuated monarch, enjoining strict obedience to the Canons, instant reception of the Service-book, and forbidding the supplicants to hold public meetings on pain of treason. The magistrates of Edinburgh, alarmed at the large masses of people collecting in the town, proposed to the Commissioners of the popular party, that if the crowd were dispersed, delegates might remain to represent the rest, and attend to their interests. To this the leading Presbyterians agreed, and four Tables, or Boards of Council, were formed; one for the nobles, another for the barons, a third for the boroughs, and a fourth for the Church. But before separating to return to their homes, the Commissioners, considering the critical state both of Church and nation, agreed to renew THE NATIONAL COVENANT, with a bond applicable to the present conjuncture, binding themselves "to adhere to and defend the true religion, and forbearing the practice of all innovations al ready introduced into the worship of God; and to labour by all means lawful to recover the purity and liberty of the Gospel as it was professed and established before the aforesaid innovations." This Covenant was sworn and subscribed, with great solemnity, in the Greyfriar's Church-yard, at Edinburgh, on the 1st of March, 1638. After prayer and solemn

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services, the Earl of Loudon made an impres- |
sive address to the assembled multitudes. The
Earl of Sutherland was the first to sign the
deed, and was followed by many of the chief
nobles of Scotland, and by thousands of all
ranks and classes.

obstructing the work and freedom of the House, Hamilton, at length seeing that they were resolved to proceed, rose up, and in the name of the King, as head of the Church, dissolved the Assembly, and discharged their further proceedings. While he was in the By this solemn and decisive act, performed act of retiring, the Earl of Rothes rose, and at such a juncture of public affairs, more was presented a protest, which had been prepared done for the safety of the laws and liberty of that morning in anticipation of this result, in England, as well as for the protection of the which the Assembly declared, "in the name Protestant religion, than all the political agi- of THE LORD JESUS CHRIST, THE ONLY tations in the southern part of the island HEAD AND MONARCH OF HIS CHURCH, from could have effected. The greatest consterna- a consciousness of our duty to God and his tion prevailed when the tidings spread that truth, the King and his honour, this kingdom the Covenant had been renewed. The Primate and her peace, this Assembly and her freeof Scotland, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, ex- dom, and the safety of ourselves and our posclaimed, “All we have been doing these terity, in our persons and estates, we profess thirty years is at once thrown down!" The with sorrowful and heavy, but loyal hearts, King immediately despatched the Marquis of we cannot dissolve this Assembly." After an Hamilton, in whose diplomatic skill he had address from the Moderator on their present confidence, to try to conciliate THE COVE- position, the question being put, "If they NANTERS. With what sincerity Charles pro- would abide the whole time of the Assembly, posed to make terms may be gathered from a and adhere to the protestation?" the whole caution which he inserted in his instructions rose, and as one man decided in the affirmato Hamilton, where, after telling him that he tive. And lest in the confusion any diswas preparing to raise war on the Scots, he sentient vote should have been unheard, the says, "Thus you may see that I intend not roll was called, and one by one they declared to yield to the demands of these traitors, the their resolution to remain till the business of Covenanters. And, as concerning the expla- the Assembly was finished. The first act of nation of their damnable Covenant, I will the Free Assembly was to disannul the six only say, that so long as this Covenant is in pretended assemblies, which had been held force, whether it be with or without explana- since the accession of James to the English tion, I have no more power of Scotland than throne. They next proceeded to the trial as a Duke of Venice, which I will rather die of the prelates, against whom sentence was than suffer." On Hamilton's arrival in Scot- passed; most of them being either excomland many attempts were made to gain over municated or deposed, and two permitted to the Covenanters, and long negotiations were officiate in the Church as Presbyters. Many entered into, wherein concessions were made other Acts were passed; such as condemning to the popular cause, and every artifice used the Articles of Perth; abjuring and abolishto conceal the King's plans, until his prepara- ing Prelacy; condemning the Book of Canons, tions for war should be matured. The firm- Laud's Liturgy, and Book of Ordination; and ness, however, of most of the Covenanting restoring the power and jurisdiction of Presleaders, and the discovery of the Royal Com- byterian Church government to its former inmissioner's duplicity, having rendered all tegrity. The Assembly did not break up till arrangements for reconciliation hopeless, the the 20th of December, having first drawn up King at length found himself under the a letter to the King, complaining of the connecessity of complying with the wishes of the duct of his Majesty's Commissioner, and also people, and summoning "a Free General As- a declaration to the people of England, vinsembly," indicted by Royal proclamation, to dicating their proceedings. This latter the be held at Glasgow, Nov. 21, 1638. The King took care to suppress, and substituted Marquis of Hamilton was appointed his for it a proclamation against the seditious Majesty's Commissioner. This Assembly was behaviour of the Covenanters, which he comappointed to inquire into the evils that dis-manded to be read in all the churches tressed the country, and to provide suitable throughout England. remedies; and the bishops being generally accused as the authors of these disturbances, were subjected by the Royal proclamation to the censure of the Assembly.

The Assembly met at Glasgow on the day appointed. There appeared 140 ministers, freely elected by their different Presbyteries, and ninety-eight ruling elders, of whom seventeen were noblemen of the highest rank, the rest being knights, landed proprietors, and burgesses. The nation was fairly represented by so grave and influential a body of men. Some of the noblemen and gentlemen hearing that the King's Commissioner intended to overawe the deliberations by force, brought with them their usual retainers in arms. Alexander Henderson was chosen Moderator of the Assembly, and it required all his great tact, firmness, and wisdom, to guide its arduous proceedings. It was soon found that the Commissioner had received directions to throw every obstruction in the way; and after seven days' disputing and protesting concerning the constitution of the Court, its competency to try the bishops, and other matters of form, the Commissioner declared his resolution of withdrawing and dissolving the Assembly. The Moderator and various memSee M'Crie's "Sketches of Scottish History," Chap. vii.bers having entreated him to remain, without

It was easy to foresee that these proceedings in Scotland must hasten on the crisis of public affairs. The King no longer attempted to conceal his hostile intentions, and in his rage against the Covenanters resolved to go in person against them at the head of an army. On the 26th of January the declaration of war was published, and while he summoned an army to meet him at York, a fleet was despatched to the Firth of Forth with another army under the Marquis of Hamilton. The Papists, both in England and Ireland, gladly contributed funds; while Laud and the Anglican prelates excited the Church to contribute to what the Bishop of Bath and Wells, in a diocesan letter to his clergy, called, “a war for the support of Episcopacy." This popish and prelatic zeal served to deter Engglish Protestants, however loyal, from joining the King, whom in ridicule they termed "the Archbishop of Canterbury's Knight;" and the war was spoken of as "the bishops' war." The King, nevertheless, found himself at the head of an army of upwards of 20,000 men, and a strong detachment had arrived before Leith under Hamilton, with sixteen ships of war.

Meanwhile the Presbyterians in Scotland were not idle. The castles of Edinburgh,

Dumbarton, and other places of strength, had been seized and fortified. A large army was organized, and they sent over to Germany for Alexander Leslie, a brave old general, who had long fought by the side of the great Gustavus Adolphus, to take the chief command. Leslie gladly obeyed the summons, and brought with him many Scottish officers who had been trained to arms in the campaigns of "the thirty years' war." The greatest enthusiasm prevailed. In completing the fortification of Leith, not only men of rank, but women were seen carrying the materials necessary for the works. When the English fleet arrived in the Firth, Lady Hamilton, mother of the Marquis, rode into Leith at the head of a troop of her tenantry, with loaded pistols at her saddle, protesting she would sooner kill her son with her own hand than see him land as the enemy of religion and his country. She went out to the roads to visit him, the people saying as she went, "The son of such a mother cannot do us much harm." The main army of the Royalists, after delay from successful skirmishing, had by this time advanced as far as Dunse Law, a hill in Berwickshire, on the slopes of which they saw old Leslie and the Scottish army encamped, "every company having a colour flying at the captain's tentdoor, stamped with the Scottish arms, and this motto, For Christ's Crown, and Covenant,' in golden letters." The King seeing the determined front that was opposed to him, and fearing to provoke a collision, proposed a negotiation for peace. After much debate it was agreed, that the King should withdraw his fleet and army, and that a General Assembly and Parliament should be immediately summoned to consider all religious and civil grievances. The King returned to London greatly mortified, and was resolved to have his revenge on Scotland and Presbyterianism at the earliest opportunity.

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Strafford, promised to furnish 8,000 men and
a large sum of money from Ireland. The
clergy in Convocation also granted subsidies;
and by the impositions and taxes of the Star
Chamber, sufficient money was procured to
raise a powerful army.

even its enemies being judges. "As to religion," says Lord Clarendon, "they were all members of the Established Church, and almost to a man for Episcopal government. Though they were undevoted enough to the Court, they had all imaginable duty to the King, It was soon found, however, that this Scot- and affection for the Government established tish war was extremely unpopular. Even by law and ancient custom; and, without among the nobles who attended the King in doubt, the majority of that body were persons his progress towards Scotland there were of gravity and wisdom, who being possessed several who were averse to hostilities. The of great and plentiful fortunes had no mind King, on ascertaining this, had to retire to break the peace of the kingdom, or to before the army of the Covenanters, who, make any considerable alterations of the crossing the borders, took possession of New-Government of the Church or State." This castle, and from thence they sent a petition statement of Lord Clarendon as to the relito the King at York, desiring a treaty. A gion of the Long Parliament is so far correct, similar petition was presented from twelve that the Members (with the exception of a Peers in the Royal army, and a third from very few, such as Hampden and Sir Harry the city of London. The King, finding it Vane) still professed to belong to the Estab impossible to carry on the war, appointed lished Church. But there was a general Commissioners to treat with the Scots at feeling of dissatisfaction at the existing state Ripon, who agreed to a cessation of arms for of the Church, and an earnest desire for two months, on condition of their army reformation. The great body of the English being maintained: and that the treaty should Puritans, while they would perhaps have been be adjourned to London, where a free Parlia- content with a moderate Episcopacy, were ment was immediately to be summoned. This decidedly Presbyterian in their convictions, latter stipulation had been privately conand would have rejoiced to see the English certed with the Scots by the friends of liberty Establishment brought into nearer conformity in England. with the other Reformed Churches. The testimony of Clarendon is valuable, however, as shewing that by no party was it supposed that any desire for rash and reckless innovation had a footing in the new Parliament.*

This was the origin of the memorable
LONG PARLIAMENT.*

On the 3d of November, 1640, the Parlia-
ment met. The King, in his opening speech,
said he was resolved to throw himself on the
love and affection of his English subjects;
promised an hearty concurrence in redressing
their just grievances; and recommended that
immediate steps should be taken for the sup-
port of the army, "in order that the rebels
from Scotland might be chased out of the
kingdom." The Lord Keeper Finch, in a
long speech, entered into an account of the
state of affairs, justifying the conduct of the
King, and concluding by calling on the Par-
liament to yield at this juncture their cordial
co-operation. These speeches did not give
much satisfaction. The King had very un-
advisedly termed his Scottish subjects rebels,
and recommended violence, at the very time
that a treaty with them was pending. There
was much inconsistency, too, in the promising
so heartily to redress grievances, while at the
same time the past conduct of the Crown was
studiously justified.

The General Assembly and Parliament, which met at Edinburgh in 1639, did all they could to strengthen and maintain the position which the Covenanters had now assumed. They ratified the proceedings of the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, confirmed the establishment of Presbytery and the overthrow of Episcopacy, and appointed the Covenant to be taken throughout the kingdom. The King, provoked beyond measure, again resolved on reducing the Scottish subjects to obedience When the House proceeded to business it by force of arms. With the advice of Laud, was soon apparent what spirit and temper Hamilton, and Wentworth, who was sum- prevailed. Great efforts had been made by moned from Ireland for the deliberation, the the Court to influence the elections; but so war was thought so reasonable and necessary strong was the sense the people had of their for the King's honour and the honour of past wrongs, and so dear to them the prosEngland, that it might be ventured with the pect of regaining their lost liberty, that the consent and aid of an English Parliament. votes had almost universally run in favour of Having proposed this to the Council, the those whose actions and sufferings proclaimed proposal was approved of, and a Parliament their attachment to popular privileges. A was once more summoned to meet at West-mortifying instance of the prevailing feeling

minster.

On the opening of the House, the Lord Keeper Finch delivered his Majesty's message, declaring the undutiful and rebellious behaviour of the Scots, and requiring the aid of the faithful Commons to reduce them to submission. Instead of proceeding to vote supplies, the House at once appointed Committees for religion and grievances, which so provoked the King, that, after three weeks vain negotiation, he angrily dissolved the Parliament, and committed the leading Members to the Fleet and other prisons.

Having thus failed to obtain a Parliamentary supply, the Council advised the King to use his Royal prerogative to the utmost, and so procure what the exigency of the time required. Wentworth, now created Earl of

occurred in the case of Sir Thomas Gardiner,
whom it was known that the King had fixed
on to be appointed Speaker; but no consti-
tuency was found to return him as Member
of the House.

Although it has been too generally the
custom to load this Parliament with abuse,
we venture to say, that never did England or
any other country witness a more noble band
of patriots than were now convened at West-
minster. The Members were nearly all men
of high position and influence in their several
parts of the country, and many of them, such
as Pym, Hampden, and Hollis, had already
borne large share in public affairs. The cha-
racter of the House stood universally high,

* So called from its continuing to sit for the greater

part of eighteen years,

The House, after electing a lawyer, Mr. Lenthall, as their Speaker, and having kept a day of public humiliation and prayer for the Divine blessing on their counsels, appointed various Committees to prepare the business. Such a multiplicity of petitions and memorials poured in upon them, that the Committees had to be subdivided into many groups, -for privileges, for elections, for grievances, for courts of justice, for trade, for Scotch and Irish affairs, and several for religion. It was soon found that the latter subject would demand a large share of their time and attention. Besides the grievances that had for a long period required investigation, new causes of complaint had been supplied by the Convocation, which had met along with the Short Parliament in the early part of that year, that had been so summarily dismissed by the King. The Convocation, however, contrary to usage and to law had continued to sit; and besides voting subsidies to the King, and other political movements, they had issued some new canons, and an oath which the whole body of the clergy were required to take on pain of suspension and deprivation. This oath is usually called the Et Cetera oath, from an &c. occurring in one part of it,-"I, A. B., do swear that I do approve the doctrine, discipline, and government established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary for salvation; and that I will not, directly or indirectly, endeavour, by myself or any other, to bring in any Popish doctrine, contrary to that which is so established; nor will I ever give my consent to alter the government of this Church by archbishops, bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c., as it now stands estab lished, and as by right it ought to stand, nor ever yet to subject it to the usurpations and superstitions of the see of Rome."

The object of this oath obviously was, on the one hand to oppress the Puritans by requiring strict conformity; and, on the other

Lord Clarendon adds, that even after the battle of

Edgehill the design against the Church was not grown popular in the House; that in 1642 and 1643, the Lords and Commons were in perfect conformity with the Church of England, and so was the army, and the generals and officers both by sea and land.

hand, under the guise of zeal against the
Church of Rome, to save the English Church
from the further reformation so much needed.
Great indignation was manifested by the
people during the sitting of this Convocation,
and the house where they met had to be sur-
rounded by guards. The cry of "No bishops!"
began to be frequent in the streets of London,
and men's minds were turned more than ever
to ecclesiastical discussions. A vast number
of treatises and pamphlets began to issue
from the press, so that the subjects of Church
order and government came to be thoroughly
discussed. The result of this public discus-
sion of course tended to the advancement of
Presbytery; because a system founded on
Scripture, and supported by history and the
usages of other Protestant Churches, only
required attention to be drawn to it in order
to its general reception. Unhappily, the
growing magnitude of political dangers, and
the confusion into which the kingdom was
thrown by the civil war, diverted the public
attention from ecclesiastical affairs before the
Presbyterian system had time to be firmly
established in England. Sectarianism and
irregular dissent began to prevail during the
troubled times that followed, and with other
well-ordered institutions the Presbyterian
Church was overturned. The prevalence of
Independency ever since has hindered any
effective opposition to Prelacy, and has pre-
vented the progress of the Anglican Refor-
mation. Unfortunately, also, the ecclesiastical
history of these times is so little known popu-
larly, that the part acted by these two bodies
has been too often mixed up under the com-
mon name of "Puritans;" the Independents
getting the credit of the orderly and consti-
tutional reforms which the Presbyterians
effected down to the middle of the rule of
the Long Parliament, and the Presbyterians
getting the blame of the disorder and fana-
ticism which subsequently prevailed, and
which tended to the restoration of the Stuarts
and of Prelacy. This confusion has been in-
creased by the unfair narratives of some
writers. Even Neale, who is generally candid,
while joyfully describing the reformation car-
ried on at the beginning of the Long Parlia-
ment, tries to deprive the Presbyterians of
the credit of it. "It may not be improper in
this place," he says, "to make a few remarks
on this part of Rapin's History of England,'
who, in his account of these times, seems to
represent the Puritans as Presbyterians. In
the reigns of Elizabeth and James I., the
Puritans were for the most part Presbyterians,
though even then there were many Episco-
palians among them; but from the time that
Arminianism prevailed in the Church, and
the whole of the Calvinists came to be distin-
guished by the name of 'Doctrinal Puritans,'
both parties seemed to unite in a moderate
Episcopacy. There were few, either of the
clergy or laity, who had a zeal for Presbytery,
or desired any more than to be rid of their
oppressions."
." "It is true," adds Neale, " that
Presbytery did prevail after the beginning of
the Parliament, especially among the common
people, and in the Parliament also it gained
the ascendant, but only through the influence
of the Scots, on whose assistance the nation
was at that time dependent against the King's
party." The admissions here made by Neale,
as to the Puritans of the reigns of Elizabeth
and James I. being for the most part Presby-
terians, and also as to the Presbyterianism
prevailing among the common people, are
noteworthy; and, indeed, the slightest atten-
tion to the ecclesiastical movements since the

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*Neale's "History of the Puritans," vol. i. p. 573.

accession of Elizabeth must remove any
doubts as to these facts. Certainly the Inde-
pendents were a weak and insignificant body
up to the time of the Westminster Assembly,
and had little share in bringing matters to
their present position. But it is not true that
the Puritans had in latter times ceased to be
Presbyterians, as Neale would have us sup-
pose. Being earnest Christians, as well as
true Presbyterians, when Arminianism began
to prevail their attention was turned more to
the weightier matters of doctrine than to
questions of Church government and polity,
and so "for twenty years before the com-
mencement of the civil war the controversy
turned upon points of Calvinism." They were
not, however, the less sound in other matters
because they were engaged in contending
earnestly for the faith.

On the 11th of November, Mr. Pym, Sir John Hotham, and others, addressed the House on the evils that had resulted from the bad counsellors that surrounded the throne; and it was moved that Strafford should be impeached of high treason. Pym was chosen to carry up the accusation, and nearly the whole of the Members accompanied him to the House of Lords. They found the Lords in debate on the Scotch treaty, and Strafford was present. Pym appeared at the bar, and in the name of the Commons of England impeached him, and desired that he might be sequestered from all councils and put into custody. After brief debate, to the amazement of Strafford, and surprise of the Commons themselves, the demand was at once complied with. Strafford was committed to the Usher of the Black Rod, till particular One other remark Neale makes, to which charges could be brought against him at a Presbyterians would do well to give good public trial. The Commons next took up the heed. After showing how improbable it was consideration of the Convocation, whose prothat their influence could have effected so ceedings had caused great offence. The canon great movements, he adds:-"I will venture and the Et Cetera oath were condemned, to say, that if there were such invisible Pres- and as Laud was universally pointed to as the byterians behind the curtain, who planned prime author of these troubles, his impeachthe subversion of the hierarchy, and blew it ment was also resolved upon, and his up as it were without hands, they must have imprisonment being demanded, he was sent been abler Statesmen, and masters of much to the Tower. Startled by these vigorous more worldly politics than have ever distin- proceedings, and alarmed by the presentation guished their posterity." The truth of this of some petitions for more public movements; sarcastic remark we do fully admit, and trust the King, on the 13th December, came down that from past errors some wisdom may be to the House, and made a long harangue, gathered. This is one reason why we would offering a reconciliation of parties, and recall the history of our Church in England; promising once more to redress all grievances to the early portion of which we have devoted in Church and State. The House took no a proportionably large space because it is of notice of the King's speech, nor did they sufimportance to trace the steps by which, in fer this unconstitutional interruption to connexion with the political history of the interfere with their proceedings. They were nation, the Presbyterian Church rose to the then engaged in the consideration of a peeminence reached during the Westminster tition signed by about 15,000 citizens and Assembly. How they fell from the height inhabitants of London, praying for the abolithen attained can be more succinctly, and, tion of Episcopacy. This, which was called alas! too easily told. At the middle of the the "root and branch" petition from an exseventeenth century the Presbyterians had pression occurring in it, had been presented the destinies of England and of Christendom on the 11th of December. It represented the at their disposal. Every advantage of power, condition of the Church of England as too influence, and character, they possessed, full of abuses to admit of proper amendment, backed by the Scottish nation, and the weight and that it would be most for the interests of of all other Protestant Churches. These ad- religion and of liberty to destroy the Hiervantages they miserably threw away, partly archy "root and branch," and plant a better from blind loyalty to the Stuarts, partly from system in its place. In supporting the petifoolish intolerance of others. That tide in tion, Sir Harry Vane argued that as Episcopal their affairs omitted, all their voyage since government was unscriptural, and had been has been bound in shallows and in difficulties. brought in by Antichrist, as it had let in all Now that there are signs of reviving_energy, kind of superstition into the Church, and in and a Free Presbyterian Church in England England, had proved a great impediment to has been organized, we only trust it may not the Reformation and growth of religion, it be said of us, as Napoleon said of the Bour-ought to be taken away. After long debates, bons, at their second restoration, "These men have learned nothing from all their adversities."

We have meanwhile, however, with satisfaction to record, that before these times of confusion commenced, while the English Parliament and nation were yet intent only on the reformation of abuses, and the establishment of right order both in Church and State, it was the deliberate decision of the Legislature and of the great body of the people, and of the most learned and godly of the divines of England, that Presbytery was the scriptural form of Church government, and ought to be the established religion throughout the land. How this change was effected, and how Presbytery became for a period of years the Established religion of the State, we have to narrate; first noticing briefly the proceedings of the Long Parliament, previous to the meeting of the celebrated "ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES," which was summoned to assist them in their deliberations on ecclesiastical affairs.

in which, while few would go so far as Sir H. Vane, still fewer ventured to defend the Church as it was, the petition was ordered to remain in the hands of the clerk of the House;-where it remained till a Bill founded upon it was brought in for the extirpation of Prelacy, as will be seen hereafter.

From this time the Parliament proceeded steadily in the correction of abuses and in the promotion of reform. The friends of liberty in the Upper House were also resolutely firm in their proceedings, and the Bishops and Peers of the Court party soon became feeble in their opposition. The injuries of many past years were gradually repaired, and steps were taken to prevent the like evils hereafter. With regard to the breaches of Parliamentary privilege, especially the proceedings against Hollis, Elliott, and other Members who had been imprisoned, and with regard to the proceedings connected with Hampden's trial, it was unanimously resolved that reparation should be demanded for the wrongs that had been

(To be continued.)

PRESBYTERIAN LOYALTY TO THE
STUARTS.

To the Editor of the English Presbyterian Messenger.

DEAR SIR,-I am truly surprised at the manner in which you have on one or two occasions alluded to the loyalty of the Presbyterians, more especially during the reign of the tyrant Charles I.

Now, to the following questions I would feel pleased by your returning an answer:

done, and the writs of ship-money and other | and applied himself with much assiduity to | Assembly of learned, godly, and judicious exactions of the Council were declared to gain the chief officers to his interest. He divines, to be consulted with by the Parliahave been illegal. The Lords nobly seconded appointed Henderson who had been Modera- ment." this resolution; they voted the illegality of tor of the Glasgow Assembly his chaplain, these proceedings, nemine contradicente; and on arriving at Edinburgh he shewed they ordered the records of the judicial de- every favour to the chiefs of the Covenanting cisions to be erased, and the judgment in party. Hampden's case to be brought into the House and cancelled in their presence. They likewise ordered that a copy of what they had done should be delivered to the judges to be published at the assizes, and that an Act of Parliament should be prepared concerning this matter. The judges having been examined, and it appearing that the Lord Keeper Finch and other Ministers of State had tampered with them, an impeachment was prepared against the guilty parties. Finch requested that he might be heard at the bar of the House of Commons, and in this humiliating position attempted to defend himself; but finding the House unmoved by his submission he made his escape that night beyond sea. The impeachment however was proceeded with, and Finch was found guilty and outlawed. Others, impelled by guilty conscience and fear, followed Finch's example, and fled from justice. All who had been illegally imprisoned were now set at liberty, and amongst others Leighton, Prynne, Lilbourne, and the victims of Laud's cruelty were conspicuous. These sufferers on returning to London from the prisons where they had been confined, were met by vast multitudes of the people, and received with every demonstration of joy.

By these bold and decisive measures the tyranny of the Crown was effectually checked, the majesty of law was vindicated, and the spirit of the constitution was once more freed from the illegal powers by which it had been oppressed and overborne.

The year 1641 witnessed a succession of events which hastened the open rupture between the King and the Parliament. The first great event was the trial of Strafford. This lasted for a long time, and was conducted with great ceremony in Westminster Hall. Legal objections being made to the impeachment, a Bill of Attainder was prepared. At length so many charges were brought home to him, and his defence was deemed so unsatisfactory, that the great majority of the Peers gave their voice for his execution. The King at first refused to sign the warrant, but being moved partly by fear and partly by the advice of the Queen, (who was persuaded by Lord Holland that her influence over the King would be more complete if Strafford and Laud were out of the way,) he gave up his favourite to death. He was beheaded on the Tower-hill.

During Strafford's trial a plot was discovered, part of which was to bring the army up to London, to seize various places of strength, and overawe the Parliament. As the King was supposed to be privy to this scheme, the people were greatly exasperated, and the greater determination was shewn that Strafford should not be allowed to escape justice.

The hext important step taken by Parliament was the reversal of all the illegal sentences passed in the Star Chamber and before the High Commission, and the abolishing of their arbitrary courts.

The King finding that his presence was no check upon the proceedings of Parliament left London, and went to strengthen his cause in the north. It had been agreed that both the English and Scottish armies should be disbanded. Charles so arranged his expedition as to visit them before this took place,

While the King was in Scotland the intelligence arrived in England of the horrible massacre of the Protestants of Ireland by the Roman Catholics. The cruelties perpetrated in this tragedy exceeded all that the worst Pagan or Popish persecutions had witnessed previously. The scenes of the St. Bartholomew massacre in France were merciful compared with the atrocities of this Irish carnage. The brutal and ignorant people were instructed by the priests that it was Do you consider the people justified in pleasing to heaven to kill the heretics, and hurling the despotic Charles from the throne? the more cruelly they did so the more merit. Or, second, that they ought, as stated in the At the most moderate computation 100,000 "Messenger," to have been "most loyal, persons fell victims. Although the imme-believing in the useful fiction that kings can diate impulse of the executioners was reli- do no wrong?" If, again, in the first instance gious frenzy, yet as the King had given com- they were right, wherein they asserted their mission to the Irish Popish leaders to rise freedom, and delivered themselves from in his cause, he did not escape a share of tyranny, what comes then of the boasted the indignation that rose on account of the loyalty of Presbyterians, but that they ac knowledged themselves willing slaves? Your notice of the above will oblige,

event.

On returning to London, somewhat encou-
raged by his negotiations in the north, and
by a favourable reception given to him by the
city of London at his entrance on the 25th of
November, the King prepared to renew his
contest with the Parliament.

Of the events that ensued-the bold step
taken by the King to impeach Lord Kim-
bolton, and five Members of the House of
Commons; of his proceeding in person to
the House to seize them;-the tumult that
resulted;-the resentment of the Commons
on this breach of privilege; the irresolution
and submission of the King;-his retirement
from London; the preparations on both
sides for war; -the raising of the Royal
Standard at Nottingham in August 1642;
of these and the political events that crowd
the annals of the civil war we cannot further
treat in detail now, but must proceed to the
ecclesiastical movements connected with the
Westminster Assembly.

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Soon after the meeting of the Long Parliament, as we have seen, various Committees were appointed to attend to the matters of religion. Finding that the business connected with this department endlessly accumulated, and that the differences and difficulties on the subjects were noways diminished, and urged by the Commissioners of the Scottish Parliament and General Assembly, the House at length resolved to enter thoroughly into the religious questions by which the nation had been so long agitated.

On the 12th of June 1643, it was resolved that, "Whereas, amongst the infinite blessings of Almighty God upon this nation, none is nor can be more dear unto us than the purity of our religion; and for that as yet many things remain in the Liturgy, discipline, and government of the Church, which do necessarily require a further and more perfect reformation than as yet hath been attained; which are impediments to the growth of religion, and prejudicial to the state and government of this kingdom: therefore they are resolved that the same shall be taken away; and that such a government shall be settled in the Church, as may be most agreeable to God's holy Word, and most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the Church at home, and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland, and other Reformed Churches abroad," "for the better effecting hereof, it is thought fit and necessary to call an

66

Yours, most truly,

A MEMBER OF THE ENGLISH PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. Liverpool, September 11, 1847. P.S.-I do not consider the people did right in putting Charles to death; in that they are to be condemned.

[If our correspondent will have patience till the Historical Sketch of the English Presbyterian Church reaches to the period referred to, he will be in possession of our views on these points. We beg him to notice that the remarks to which he alludes in the "Messenher," did not occur in editorial articles, but in reports of what was said by others, for which we are not answerable.

We may meanwhile state, for the satisfaction of our correspondent in reply to his que ries, that we consider the people were quite justified in dethroning Charles, and quite justified in putting him to death, if they honestly believed that he was the cause of so much blood having been shed, and if they thought there was no other way of self-defence. We think, however, that their judgment in this matter was wrong, and that the execu cution of Charles was a great blunder, if not a crime. But as to the right of the people to try the king we have no doubt; because the fiction that kings can do no wrong," belongs to constitutional monarchy only. When Charles acted against the laws and constitution of the country, and ruled in the way of absolute monarchy, he thereby put himself beyond the protection of that useful principle, and by his own choice of governing in an arbitrary manner, exposed his conduct to be judged as that of an individual man, and not as the official head of the State. His being a king did not put him, if guilty, above the reach of censure or condemnation, for it is the glory of justice to regard neither high nor low in its impartial decisions. When Charles became an irresponsible tyrant instead of a constitutional monarch, he put himself on the same level as the meanest of his subjects, who might commit anything worthy of death. The constitutional principle that kings can do no wrong no longer applied to his case. The right therefore of the people was undoubted, however much we may blame them for the exercise of it in the execution of Charles I.]

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