a large sum of money from Ireland. The clergy in Convocation also granted subsidies; and by the impositions and taxes of the Star Chamber, sufficient money was procured to raise a powerful army. It was soon found, however, that this Scottish war was extremely unpopular. Even among the nobles who attended the King in his progress towards Scotland there were several who were averse to hostilities. The King, on ascertaining this, had to retire before the army of the Covenanters, who, crossing the borders, took possession of Newcastle, and from thence they sent a petition to the King at York, desiring a treaty. A similar petition was presented from twelve Peers in the Royal army, and a third from the city of London. The King, finding it impossible to carry on the war, appointed Commissioners to treat with the Scots at Ripon, who agreed to a cessation of arms for two months, on condition of their army being maintained: and that the treaty should be adjourned to London, where a free Parliament was immediately to be summoned. This latter stipulation had been privately concerted with the Scots by the friends of liberty in England. Dumbarton, and other places of strength, had | Strafford, promised to furnish 8,000 men and been seized and fortified. A large army was organized, and they sent over to Germany for Alexander Leslie, a brave old general, who had long fought by the side of the great Gustavus Adolphus, to take the chief command. Leslie gladly obeyed the summons, and brought with him many Scottish officers who had been trained to arms in the campaigns of "the thirty years' war." The greatest enthusiasm prevailed. In completing the fortification of Leith, not only men of rank, but women were seen carrying the materials necessary for the works. When the English fleet arrived in the Firth, Lady Hamilton, mother of the Marquis, rode into Leith at the head of a troop of her tenantry, with loaded pistols at her saddle, protesting she would sooner kill her son with her own hand than see him land as the enemy of religion and his country. She went out to the roads to visit him, the people saying as she went, "The son of such a mother cannot do us much harm." The main army of the Royalists, after delay from successful skirmishing, had by this time advanced as far as Dunse Law, a hill in Berwickshire, on the slopes of which they saw old Leslie and the Scottish army encamped, "every company having a colour flying at the captain's tentdoor, stamped with the Scottish arms, and this motto, For Christ's Crown, and Covenant,' in golden letters." The King seeing the determined front that was opposed to him, and fearing to provoke a collision, proposed a negotiation for peace. After much debate it was agreed, that the King should withdraw his fleet and army, and that a General Assembly and Parliament should be immediately summoned to consider all religious and civil grievances. The King returned to London greatly mortified, and was resolved to have his revenge on Scotland and Presbyterianism at the earliest opportunity. The General Assembly and Parliament, which met at Edinburgh in 1639, did all they could to strengthen and maintain the position which the Covenanters had now assumed. They ratified the proceedings of the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, confirmed the establishment of Presbytery and the overthrow of Episcopacy, and appointed the Covenant to be taken throughout the kingdom. The King, provoked beyond measure, again resolved on reducing the Scottish subjects to obedience by force of arms. With the advice of Laud, Hamilton, and Wentworth, who was summoned from Ireland for the deliberation, the war was thought so reasonable and necessary for the King's honour and the honour of England, that it might be ventured with the consent and aid of an English Parliament. Having proposed this to the Council, the proposal was approved of, and a Parliament was once more summoned to meet at West minster. On the opening of the House, the Lord Keeper Finch delivered his Majesty's message, declaring the undutiful and rebellious behaviour of the Scots, and requiring the aid of the faithful Commons to reduce them to submission. Instead of proceeding to vote supplies, the House at once appointed Committees for religion and grievances, which so provoked the King, that, after three weeks vain negotiation, he angrily dissolved the Parliament, and committed the leading Members to the Fleet and other prisons. Having thus failed to obtain a Parliamentary supply, the Council advised the King to use his Royal prerogative to the utmost, and so procure what the exigency of the time required. Wentworth, now created Earl of This was the origin of the memorable LONG PARLIAMENT.* On the 3d of November, 1640, the Parliament met. The King, in his opening speech, said he was resolved to throw himself on the love and affection of his English subjects; promised an hearty concurrence in redressing their just grievances; and recommended that immediate steps should be taken for the support of the army, "in order that the rebels from Scotland might be chased out of the kingdom." The Lord Keeper Finch, in a long speech, entered into an account of the state of affairs, justifying the conduct of the King, and concluding by calling on the Parliament to yield at this juncture their cordial co-operation. These speeches did not give much satisfaction. The King had very unadvisedly termed his Scottish subjects rebels, and recommended violence, at the very time that a treaty with them was pending. There was much inconsistency, too, in the pro promising so heartily to redress grievances, while at the same time the past conduct of the Crown was studiously justified. When the House proceeded to business it was soon apparent what spirit and temper prevailed. Great efforts had been made by the Court to influence the elections; but so strong was the sense the people had of their past wrongs, and so dear to them the pros pect of regaining their lost liberty, that the votes had almost universally run in favour of those whose actions and sufferings proclaimed their attachment to popular privileges. A mortifying instance of the prevailing feeling occurred in the case of Sir Thomas Gardiner, whom it was known that the King had fixed on to be appointed Speaker; but no constituency was found to return him as Member of the House. Although it has been too generally the custom to load this Parliament with abuse, we venture to say, that never did England or any other country witness a more noble band of patriots than were now convened at Westminster. The Members were nearly all men of high position and influence in their several parts of the country, and many of them, such as Pym, Hampden, and Hollis, had already borne large share in public affairs. The character of the House stood universally high, * So called from its continuing to sit for the greater part of eighteen years, even its enemies being judges. "As to religion," says Lord Clarendon, "they were all members of the Established Church, and almost to a man for Episcopal government. Though they were undevoted enough to the Court, they had all imaginable duty to the King, and affection for the Government established by law and ancient custom; and, without doubt, the majority of that body were persons of gravity and wisdom, who being possessed of great and plentiful fortunes had no mind to break the peace of the kingdom, or to make any considerable alterations of the Government of the Church or State." This statement of Lord Clarendon as to the religion of the Long Parliament is so far correct, that the Members (with the exception of a very few, such as Hampden and Sir Harry Vane) still professed to belong to the Established Church. But there was a general feeling of dissatisfaction at the existing state of the Church, and an earnest desire for reformation. The great body of the English Puritans, while they would perhaps have been content with a moderate Episcopacy, were decidedly Presbyterian in their convictions, and would have rejoiced to see the English Establishment brought into nearer conformity with the other Reformed Churches. The testimony of Clarendon is valuable, however, as shewing that by no party was it supposed that any desire for rash and reckless innovation had a footing in the new Parliament.* The House, after electing a lawyer, Mr. Lenthall, as their Speaker, and having kept a day of public humiliation and prayer for the Divine blessing on their counsels, appointed various Committees to prepare the business. Such a multiplicity of petitions and memorials poured in upon them, that the Committees had to be subdivided into many groups, - for privileges, for elections, for grievances, for courts of justice, for trade, for Scotch and Irish affairs, and several for religion. It was soon found that the latter subject would demand a large share of their time and attention. Besides the grievances that had for a long period required investigation, new causes of complaint had been supplied by the Convocation, which had met along with the Short Parliament in the early part of that year, that had been so summarily dismissed by the King. The Convocation, however, contrary to usage and to law had continued to sit; and besides voting subsidies to the King, and other political movements, they had issued some new canons, and an oath which the whole body of the clergy were required to take on pain of suspension and deprivation. This oath is usually called the Et Cetera oath, from an &c. occurring in one part of it," I, A. B., do swear that I do approve the doctrine, discipline, and government established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary for salvation; and that I will not, directly or indirectly, endeavour, by myself or any other, to bring in any Popish doctrine, contrary to that which is so established; nor will I ever give my consent to alter the government of this Church by archbishops, bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c., as it now stands established, and as by right it ought to stand, nor ever yet to subject it to the usurpations and superstitions of the see of Rome." The object of this oath obviously was, on the one hand to oppress the Puritans by requiring strict conformity; and, on the other * Lord Clarendon adds, that even after the battle of Edgehill the design against the Church was not grown popular in the House; that in 1642 and 1643, the Lords and Commons were in perfect conformity with the Church of England, and so was the army, and the generals and officers both by sea and land. hand, under the guise of zeal against the Church of Rome, to save the English Church from the further reformation so much needed. Great indignation was manifested by the people during the sitting of this Convocation, and the house where they met had to be surrounded by guards. The cry of "No bishops!" began to be frequent in the streets of London, and men's minds were turned more than ever to ecclesiastical discussions. A vast number of treatises and pamphlets began to issue from the press, so that the subjects of Church order and government came to be thoroughly discussed. The result of this public discussion of course tended to the advancement of Presbytery; because a system founded on Scripture, and supported by history and the usages of other Protestant Churches, only required attention to be drawn to it in order to its general reception. Unhappily, the growing magnitude of political dangers, and the confusion into which the kingdom was thrown by the civil war, diverted the public attention from ecclesiastical affairs before the Presbyterian system had time to be firmly established in England. Sectarianism and irregular dissent began to prevail during the troubled times that followed, and with other well-ordered institutions the Presbyterian Church was overturned. The prevalence of Independency ever since has hindered any effective opposition to Prelacy, and has prevented the progress of the Anglican Reformation. Unfortunately, also, the ecclesiastical history of these times is so little known popularly, that the part acted by these two bodies has been too often mixed up under the common name of "Puritans;" the Independents getting the credit of the orderly and constitutional reforms which the Presbyterians effected down to the middle of the rule of the Long Parliament, and the Presbyterians getting the blame of the disorder and fanaticism which subsequently prevailed, and which tended to the restoration of the Stuarts and of Prelacy. This confusion has been increased by the unfair narratives of some writers. Even Neale, who is generally candid, while joyfully describing the reformation carried on at the beginning of the Long Parliament, tries to deprive the Presbyterians of the credit of it. "It may not be improper in this place," he says, "to make a few remarks on this part of Rapin's History of England,' who, in his account of these times, seems to represent the Puritans as Presbyterians. In the reigns of Elizabeth and James I., the Puritans were for the most part Presbyterians, though even then there were many Episcopalians among them; but from the time that Arminianism prevailed in the Church, and the whole of the Calvinists came to be distinguished by the name of Doctrinal Puritans,' both parties seemed to unite in a moderate Episcopacy. There were few, either of the clergy or laity, who had a zeal for Presbytery, or desired any more than to be rid of their oppressions."* "It is true," adds Neale, "that Presbytery did prevail after the beginning of the Parliament, especially among the common people, and in the Parliament also it gained the ascendant, but only through the influence of the Scots, on whose assistance the nation was at that time dependent against the King's party." The admissions here made by Neale, as to the Puritans of the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. being for the most part Presbyterians, and also as to the Presbyterianism prevailing among the common people, are noteworthy; and, indeed, the slightest attention to the ecclesiastical movements since the * Neale's "History of the Puritans," vol. 1. p. 573. accession of Elizabeth must remove any doubts as to these facts. Certainly the Independents were a weak and insignificant body up to the time of the Westminster Assembly, and had little share in bringing matters to their present position. But it is not true that the Puritans had in latter times ceased to be Presbyterians, as Neale would have us suppose. Being earnest Christians, as well as true Presbyterians, when Arminianism began to prevail their attention was turned more to the weightier matters of doctrine than to questions of Church government and polity, and so "for twenty years before the commencement of the civil war the controversy turned upon points of Calvinism." They were not, however, the less sound in other matters because they were engaged in contending earnestly for the faith. our One other remark Neale makes, to which Presbyterians would do well to give good hced. After showing how improbable it was that their influence could have effected so great movements, he adds:-" I will venture to say, that if there were such invisible Presbyterians behind the curtain, who planned the subversion of the hierarchy, and blew it up as it were without hands, they must have been abler Statesmen, and masters of much more worldly politics than have ever distinguished their posterity." The truth of this sarcastic remark we do fully admit, and trust that from past errors some wisdom may be gathered. This is one reason why we would recall the history of Church in England; to the early portion of which we have devoted a proportionably large space because it is of importance to trace the steps by which, in connexion with the political history of the nation, the Presbyterian Church rose to the eminence reached during the Westminster Assembly. How they fell from the height then attained can be more succinctly, and, alas! too easily told. At the middle of the seventeenth century the Presbyterians had the destinies of England and of Christendom at their disposal. Every advantage of power, influence, and character, they possessed, backed by the Scottish nation, and the weight of all other Protestant Churches. These advantages they miserably threw away, partly from blind loyalty to the Stuarts, partly from foolish intolerance of others. That tide in their affairs omitted, all their voyage since has been bound in shallows and in difficulties. Now that there are signs of reviving energy, and a Free Presbyterian Church in England has been organized, we only trust it may not be said of us, as Napoleon said of the Bourbons, at their second restoration, "These men have learned nothing from all their adversities." We have meanwhile, however, with satisfaction to record, that before these times of confusion commenced, while the English Parliament and nation were yet intent only on the reformation of abuses, and the establishment of right order both in Church and State, it was the deliberate decision of the Legislature and of the great body of the people, and of the most learned and godly of the divines of England, that Presbytery was the scriptural form of Church government, and ought to be the established religion throughout the land. How this change was effected, and how Presbytery became for a period of years the Established religion of the State, we have to narrate; first noticing briefly the proceedings of the Long Parliament, previous to the meeting of the celebrated "ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES," which was summoned to assist them in their deliberations on ecclesiastical affairs. On the 11th of November, Mr. Pym, Sir John Hotham, and others, addressed the House on the evils that had resulted from the bad counsellors that surrounded the throne; and it was moved that Strafford should be impeached of high treason. Pym was chosen to carry up the accusation, and nearly the whole of the Members accompanied him to the House of Lords. They found the Lords in debate on the Scotch treaty, and Strafford was present. Pym appeared at the bar, and in the name of the Commons of England impeached him, and desired that he might be sequestered from all councils and put into custody. After brief debate, to the amazement of Strafford, and surprise of the Commons themselves, the demand was at once complied with. Strafford was committed to the Usher of the Black Rod, till particular charges could be brought against him at a public trial. The Commons next took up the consideration of the Convocation, whose proceedings had caused great offence. The canon and the Et Cetera oath were condemned, and as Laud was universally pointed to as the prime author of these troubles, his impeachment was also resolved upon, and his imprisonment being demanded, he was sent to the Tower. Startled by these vigorous proceedings, and alarmed by the presentation of some petitions for more public movements; the King, on the 13th December, came down to the House, and made a long harangue, offering a reconciliation of parties, and promising once more to redress all grievances griev in Church and State. The House took no notice of the King's speech, nor did they suffer this unconstitutional interruption to interfere with their proceedings. They were then engaged in the consideration of a petition signed by about 15,000 citizens and inhabitants of London, praying for the abolition of Episcopacy. This, which was called the "root and branch" petition from an expression occurring in it, had been presented on the 11th of December. It represented the condition of the Church of England as too full of abuses to admit of proper amendment, and that it would be most for the interests of religion and of liberty to destroy the Hierarchy "root and branch," and plant a better system in its place. In supporting the petition, Sir Harry Vane argued that as Episcopal government was unscriptural, and had been brought in by Antichrist, as it had let in all kind of superstition into the Church, and in England, had proved a great impediment to the Reformation and growth of religion, it ought to be taken away. After long debates, in which, while few would go so far as Sir H. Vane, still fewer ventured to defend the Church as it was, the petition was ordered to remain in the hands of the clerk of the House; -where it remained till a Bill founded upon it was brought in for the extirpation of Prelacy, as will be seen hereafter. From this time the Parliament proceeded steadily in the correction of abuses and in the promotion of reform. The friends of liberty in the Upper House were also resolutely firm in their proceedings, and the Bishops and Peers of the Court party soon became feeble in their opposition. The injuries of many past years were gradually repaired, and steps were taken to prevent the like evils hereafter. With regard to the breaches of Parliamentary privilege, especially the proceedings against Hollis, Elliott, and other Members who had been imprisoned, and with regard to the proceedings connected with Hampden's trial, it was unanimously resolved that reparation should be demanded for the wrongs that had been (To be continued.) gain the chief officers to his interest. He divines, to be consulted with by the Parlia- While the King was in Scotland the in- PRESBYTERIAN LOYALTY TO THE STUARTS. To the Editor of the English Presbyterian Messenger. DEAR SIR,-I am truly surprised at the manner in which you have on one or two occasions alluded to the loyalty of the Presbyterians, more especially during the reign of the tyrant Charles I. done, and the writs of ship-money and other | and applied himself with much assiduity to | Assembly of learned, godly, and judicious exactions of the Council were declared to have been illegal. The Lords nobly seconded this resolution; they voted the illegality of these proceedings, nemine contradicente; they ordered the records of the judicial decisions to be erased, and the judgment in Hampden's case to be brought into the House and cancelled in their presence. They likewise ordered that a copy of what they had done should be delivered to the judges to be published at the assizes, and that an Act of Parliament should be prepared concerning this matter. The judges having been examined, and it appearing that the Lord Keeper Finch and other Ministers of State had tampered with them, an impeachment was prepared against the guilty parties. ❘ Finch requested that he might be heard at the bar of the House of Commons, and in this humiliating position attempted to defend himself; but finding the House unmoved by his submission he made his escape that night beyond sea. The impeachment however was proceeded with, and Finch was found guilty and outlawed. Others, impelled by guilty conscience and fear, followed Finch's example, and fled from justice. All who had been illegally imprisoned were now set at liberty, and amongst others Leighton, Prynne, Lilbourne, and the victims of Laud's cruelty were conspicuous. These sufferers on returning to London from the prisons where they had been confined, were met by vast multitudes of the people, and received with every demonstration of joy. By these bold and decisive measures the tyranny of the Crown was effectually checked, the majesty of law was vindicated, and the spirit of the constitution was once more freed from the illegal powers by which it had been oppressed and overborne. The year 1641 witnessed a succession of events which hastened the open rupture between the King and the Parliament. The first great event was the trial of Strafford. This lasted for a long time, and was conducted with great ceremony in Westminster Hall. Legal objections being made to the impeachment, a Bill of Attainder was prepared. At length so many charges were brought home to him, and his defence was deemed so unsatisfactory, that the great majority of the Peers gave their voice for his execution. The King at first refused to sign the warrant, but being moved partly by fear and partly by the advice of the Queen, (who was persuaded by Lord Holland that her influence over the King would be more complete if Strafford and Laud were out of the way,) he gave up his favourite to death. He was beheaded on the Tower-hill. During Strafford's trial a plot was discovered, part of which was to bring the army up to London, to seize various places of strength, and overawe the Parliament. As the King was supposed to be privy to this scheme, the people were greatly exasperated, and the greater determination was shewn that Strafford should not be allowed to escape justice. The next important step taken by Parliament was the reversal of all the illegal sentences passed in the Star Chamber and before the High Commission, and the abolishing of their arbitrary courts. The King finding that his presence was no check upon the proceedings of Parliament left London, and went to strengthen his cause in the north. It had been agreed that both the English and Scottish armies should be disbanded. Charles so arranged his expedition as to visit them before this took place, On returning to London, somewhat encouraged by his negotiations in the north, and by a favourable reception given to him by the city of London at his entrance on the 25th of November, the King prepared to renew his contest with the Parliament. Of the events that ensued the bold step taken by the King to impeach Lord Kimbolton, and five Members of the House of Commons; - of his proceeding in person to the House to seize them; -the tumult that resulted; -the resentment of the Commons on this breach of privilege; -the irresolution and submission of the King;-his retirement from London; the preparations on both sides for war; - the raising of the Royal Standard at Nottingham in August 1642;of these and the political events that crowd the annals of the civil war we cannot further treat in detail now, but must proceed to the ecclesiastical movements connected with the Westminster Assembly. Soon after the meeting of the Long Par- and nearer agreement with the Church of Now, to the following questions I would feel pleased by your returning an answer:Do you consider the people justified in hurling the despotic Charles from the throne? Or, second, that they ought, as stated in the "Messenger," to have been "most loyal, believing in the useful fiction that kings can do no wrong?" If, again, in the first instance they were right, wherein they asserted their freedom, and delivered themselves from tyranny, what comes then of the boasted loyalty of Presbyterians, but that they acknowledged themselves willing slaves? Your notice of the above will oblige, Yours, most truly, A MEMBER OF THE ENGLISH Liverpool, September 11, 1847. in are [If our correspondent will have patience till the Historical Sketch of the English Presbyterian Church reaches to the period referred to, he will be in possession of our views on these points. We beg him to notice that the remarks to which he alludes in the "Messenher," did not occur in editorial articles, but in reports of what was said by others, for which we are not answerable. We may meanwhile state, for the satisfaction of our correspondent in reply to his queries, that we consider the people were quite justified in dethroning Charles, and quite justified in putting him to death, if they honestly believed that he was the cause of so much blood having been shed, and if they thought there was no other way of self-defence. We think, however, that their judgment in this matter was wrong, and that the execucution of Charles was a great blunder, if not a crime. But as to the right of the people to try the king we have no doubt; because the fiction that kings can do no wrong," belongs to constitutional monarchy only. When Charles acted against the laws and constitution of the country, and ruled in the way of absolute monarchy, he thereby put himself beyond the protection of that useful principle, and by his own choice of governing in an arbitrary manner, exposed his conduct to be judged as that of an individual man, and not as the official head of the State. His being a king did not put him, if guilty, above the reach of censure or condemnation, for it is the glory of justice to regard neither high nor low in its impartial decisions. When Charles became an irresponsible tyrant instead of a constitutional monarch, he put himself on the same level as the meanest of his subjects, who might commit anything worthy of death. The constitutional principle that kings can do no wrong no longer applied to his case. right therefore of the people was undoubted, however much we may blame them for the exercise of it in the execution of Charles I.] The PROTESTANT RELIGION IN AMERICA. | knowing. In immediate connexion with the To the Editor of the English Presbyterian Messenger. REV. AND DEAR SIR, -I regret exceedingly that I was not better prepared to do justice to the subject, when I was so kindly, but unexpectedly requested by your Reverend body, the Presbytery of London, to make a few remarks before them on the present state and progress of religion in America. To make amends for my deficiency on that occasion, I will, in a very brief and condensed form, present a few facts which may enable your readers to form some notion of the state of Protestant religion on the other side of the Atlantic. In order that due allowance may be made for the apparent deficiency of religious instruction and privileges in America, especially the western and south-western portions of it, I beg leave to call your attention, for a few moments, to the extent and rapid growth of our country. At the time we became an independent nation, the entire population of the United States did not exceed three millions and a-half of people; whereas, now it is eighteen millions. And according to a well-grounded calculation by one of our most learned and judicious men, the population of the United States, will, within fifty years from this time, have reached one hundred millions; and within fifty years more, or one hundred years from the present, three hundred millions! The circuit of the organized part of our country, since the annexation of Texas, is upwards of ten thousand miles, and one million four hundred thousand square miles, exclusive of Oregon and the great west, are organized into states and territories, an area, if I recollect correctly, twenty-eight times larger than England. The advance of the "settlements" along the entire western border, from the Gulf of Mexico on the south, to the British possessions on the north, is at the rate of seventeen miles annually. Thus, this tide of civilization, and of Anglosaxon influence, light, and knowledge, irresistible as an avalanche, is moving onward with amazing rapidity westward, towards the Rocky Mountains and the great Ocean. And if the shores of the Pacific arrest its onward march, they will prove a greater barrier than did the shores of the Atlantic. Consequently, in view of this amazing growth and rapid extension of our country, English Christians must not expect to find religion and religious privileges anything like as great as they are here. Still there is enough in the operation of American Christianity to cheer the hearts of all who have faith in the glorious promises of the final triumph of the Gospel. For illustration, there are between sixteen and seventeen thousand Evangelical clergy in the United States. Seven thousand of that number are learned men, and out of that number again, five thousand seven hundred and fiftysix, are substantially Presbyterian ministers, who hold and teach the same blessed faith and doctrines with yourselves. I do not mean that so many belong to the "General Assembly," properly so called. You are doubtless aware that there are divers different branches and sects of Presbyterians in America, such as "Dutch Reformed," "Covenanters," New England "Congregationalists," "German Reformed," &c. &c., all substantially Presbyterians, and all well educated and learned able men: There are also, in all, some 1,600 young men who are aided in their preparation for the ministry. How many others are preparing to preach the Gospel I have not at present any means of above facts, I would state, that there are in all about one hundred and seventy-three colleges and universities in the United States; and forty-two of this number are strictly under Presbyterian and Congregational influence, and a large proportion of the others are partially so. In addition to these, there are thirty-eight Evangelical Theological Seminaries, having one hundred professors, and eighteen hundred students. These facts, which might be greatly increased in number and interest, will afford you some idea of what is doing in America to prepare a ministry to preach the Gospel to our increasing millions. As to other means and instrumentalities for diffusing religious instruction and knowledge, I would mention first, the "American Bible Society," which next to your own great Institution of the same kind, has done more than any other Society in the world, in diffusing a knowledge of the Word of God. They print and publish, out and out, thirteen Bibles every minute, seven hundred and eighty every hour, and 671,500 Bibles and Testaments every year! The "American Tract Society" stands next; it is doing wonders in the great work of evangelizing the world. They publish 1,252 different publications: of which number 212 are volumes. They print in the course of the year upwards of half a million of volumes, in 102 different dialects and languages! Their colporteurs are widely scattered over the vast country in all directions, and exert an untold agency in diffusing religious knowledge. The "Sunday-school Union" comes third amongst the great bulwarks in propagating Bible truth. They had in their connexion, a few years back as many as 16,000 schools, 140,000 teachers, and 1,000,000 scholars, and published and sold 100,000 dollars, or 20,000l. worth of juvenile books annually. The General Assembly's "Board of Publication" is engaged in the same great work of diffusing religious knowledge amongst men, by means of printed books and tracts. Their object is to scatter religious books in general, but especially such as explain and defend the great doctrines of the Westminster Assembly of Divines. The "Methodist Episcopal Church," commonly termed in this country "Wesleyans," have also a great "Book Concern," by means of which countless thousands of good books are distributed amongst their churches and societies. The Baptists also have their Society for the publication of tracts, &c. In this way a vast deal is done to supply the deficiency occasioned by the paucity of living teachers in America. Kindred to this, numerous religious newspapers are published every week, and widely circulated by the various sects and denominations of Christians. Thirty-four years ago, there was no religious newspaper in the United States! - now there are upwards of one hundred-and most of them printed and circulated weekly! The cheapness of these weekly sheets secure them a place in almost every family. Our largest and best weekly papers do not cost more than ten shillings per annum. In addition to these weekly papers, we have several able Quarterly Reviews, all devoted to the advancement of religion and Theology, such as the "Biblical Repertory," "Biblical Repository," "Bibliotheca Sacra," "Methodist Magazine and Quarterly Review," "Baptist Christian Review," &c., &c. Evangelical and benevolent institutions of America, such as "The Seaman's Friend Society," "Foreign Evangelical Society," "The Jews' Society," "Peace Society," "Home and Foreign Missionary Society," &c., &c. I shall state, however, without going into detail, that we as a Protestant country have about 1,000 missionaries in the foreign field of which number 400 are ordained ministers of the Gospel-the rest are helpers and assistants and that we expend in support of the various Evangelical enterprises of the age, one million of dollars, or 200,000l. annually. As to Roman Catholicism, my own candid opinion is, that its spirit is not gaining ground in America. Such is the influence of the genius and spirit of our Government and institutions upon the minds of Catholic emigrants; and such is the rapid and extensive diffusion of general intelligence amongst the masses, that the Papacy is to a great extent disarmed, and loses in strength as much as it gains in numbers by emigration. I am not one of those who entertain apprehensions that Popery will ever gain the ascendency in America. Such a thing I regard as a moral impossibility: Popery is the product of darkness. It can live and flourish only in the damps and shades of ignorance and despotism. Light and freedom will either wither the plant or change its noxious qualities. Light and freedom are the watchwords of American democracy. Therefore I do not apprehend any danger either to the religious or civil liberties of the United States from the Papacy. The foregoing brief statement of facts, which might be greatly lengthened, were I not afraid of wearying your patience, may enable your readers to form some conception of the present state and progress of Protestant religion in America. I remain, your brother in the bonds of the Gospel, very truly and sincerely, London, Sept. 21, 1847. JAMES A. LYON. STUDY OF PROPHECY: Most Christians, we fear, content themselves with very vague and general views of prophecy. They have caught up some of the prominent statements of Scripture regarding the future, such as that there will be a millenium, a resurrection, and a judgment day; and with these, or very little more, they are satisfied-quite satisfied. Here they consider that their prophetic creed ought to terminate. They advance no details. They shrink from all minuter investigation, condemning it as presumptuous, or at least refusing it, as barren speculation. "The fact of God having revealed so many particulars regarding the future settles the whole question as to the duty of every believer to examine these. It is as plain as truth can be, that no investigation, however minute, can be called presumptuous, so long as it restricts itself to what is written; nay, the more minute, the more accurate it is likely to be, and therefore more accordant with the mind of the Spirit. The presumption is all the other way. It is the presumption of closing the ear against the voice of God, the presumption of professing to decide how much of God's word may be studied with safety, and how much ought to be neglected as mysterious and unprofitable." Bonar's "Prophetical Landmarks," pp. 25 and 27. These facts will give you some idea of the WHO hath a sharper conflict than he who TO CORRESPONDENTS AND READERS. Advertisements, business Letters or Parcels, and Money-orders (payable at Charing-cross Post-office), to be addressed to Mr. JAMES PENNYCOOK BROWN, Agent for the Presbyterian Church in England, 16, Exeter Hall. The Messenger presents an eligible and suitable medium for Advertisements. Terms-ten lines and under, 5s., and 3d. for each additional line; 11. for a column. Presbyterian Church in England. MEETING OF DEACONS. SCHEMES OF THE CHURCH. 674 11 6 400 HOME MISSION FUND. A GENERAL Meeting of the deacons of the London Churches, is to be held at 16, Exeter Hall, on Friday the 8th of this month, at seven P.M. It is much to be regretted, that these meetings have hitherto been not well attended. There is no other opportunity so favourable for the deacons of the several congrega- BERWICK, Hide Hill Church tions meeting together in deliberation on matters of the highest importance to the wel MANCHESTER, Chalmers' Church MONK WEARMOUTH NORHAM GREENWICH HARBOTTLE TWEEDMOUTH WIDDRINGTON.... NORTH SHIELDS SOUTHWARK STEPNEY, John Knox Church... fare of our Church, as well as for uniting in religious worship and Christian fellowship. MANCHESTER, St. Peter's Church The affairs of our Church at this moment re quire prayerful counsel and vigorous action, and while ministers and elders are at their posts in the Church Courts, we trust that the deacons will not fail to attend to the duties attached to their honourable and responsible office. We need scarcely remind those who are much engaged in secular business, that they ought to deem it a privilege as well as a duty, to devote some portion of their time to the advancement of the cause of Christ. "Seek ye first the kingdom of God and His righteousness."” DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. WE observe that the Irish General Assembly has appointed that a day (to be afterwards fixed) be kept as a day of thanksgiving to Almighty God, for His mercies during the past year; and that the Presbyterians of Ireland be invited to contribute on that day to the funds of their Home Mission, in order that advantage may be taken of openings occurring, in the providence of God, to preach the Gospel to their Roman Catholic country men. We venture to suggest, that a BRIGHTON SUNDERLAND, St. George's Church WHITEHAVEN BAVINGTON BRAMPTON LIVERPOOL, St. George's Church NEWCASTLE, Groat Market Church £696 1 6 .... 8 13 2 100 0 10 0 ALEX. MORRISON, Treasurer, 3 18 6 953 176 1 10 0 1600 117 3 [OCTOBER Edward-street, to appear for their interests at a meeting of Presbytery to be held on the 30th September. A petition was read from a number of individuals, now or lately connected with the Congregation at River Terrace, expressing their desire to form a new congregation in Islington, and requesting to be recognised as in connexion with the Presbytery. The Presbytery having maturely considered the same, and having received explanations from the parties appointed to appear in support of it, agreed to grant the prayer of the petition for their erection into a preaching station. Mr. Nicolson produced and read a letter which he had received from Mr. Simpson, of Red Lion-square, requesting the consideration of the Presbytery on behalf of the Industrial 150 Institution for the Jews. Several members of Presbytery having expressed their views 0 16 8 320 101, Upper Thames-street. evening. PRESBYTERY OF BIRMINGHAM. THIS Presbytery met at Wolverhampton, on The Committee appointed to examine Communion Rolls and Session Records, reported that the records, so far as returned, had been regularly kept, and with a few trifling exceptions the business of the respective congregations regularly conducted and recorded. Mr. Mackenzie called the attention of the Presbytery to the desirableness of having a 3 16 9 statistical account of the number of seatholders, the average attendance, the number of communicants, and the state of the various Sabbath-schools connected with congregations £6 5 4 L. MACKAY, Treasurer. ** The contributions from River Terrace, John Knox, within the bounds of the Presbytery, and &c., &c., will appear next month. ecclesiastical, mers. THIS reverend Court held its ordinary monthly meeting at Exeter Hall, on Tuesday, the 14th September; the Rev. W. Chalmers, Moderator, in the chair; who opened the meeting with praise, the reading of the Scriptures, and prayer. Mr. Nicolson was appointed to act as clerk in the absence of Mr. Ferguson. the Presbyterian Church in America, being The Rev. Messrs. Lyon and Gladney, from present were associated. Professor Campbell having applied for a Presbyterial certificate on be Convener. by the Free Church of Scotland to the PresMr. Macaulay intimated his appointment byterian Congregation at Malta; and it was resolved to summon the Congregation of moved accordingly, which was unanimously agreed to. The Moderator having adverted to the Minutes of Council of Education, which exclude schools held under churches or chapels system of education introduced by the present from participating in the advantages of the that immediate steps be taken to bring the Government; it was unanimously resolved matter before the proper authorities. dinary business of the month, adjourned to The Presbytery, after transacting the ormeet again at Stafford, on the first Tuesday of November, at one o'clock. PRESBYTERY OF LANCASHIRE. THIS Presbytery met at Shelton, by remit gregation to the Rev. J. M. Martyn, of of the Synod, on the 26th of April, and moderated in a call from the Shelton conwas sustained, and Mr. Speers, of Stafford, Rathfriland, Ireland. Thereafter, the call Rathfriland. Martyn's translation before the Presbytery of was appointed Commissioner to prosecute Mr. by appointment, and moderated in a call from SALFORD, MANCHESTER, APRIL 27.-Met, |