impressions of Lincoln, whom he knew well and greatly esteemed, declares him to be the homeliest man he ever saw; but serene confidence and self-poise can never be ugly. What thrilled the people who stood before Abraham Lincoln on that day was the sight of a being who, in all his actions and habits, resembled themselves, gentle as he was strong, fearless as he was honest, who towered above them all in that psychic radiance that penetrates in some mysterious way every fibre of the hearer's consciousness.

"The enthusiasm created by Douglas was wrought out of smart epigram thrusts and a facile superficial eloquence. He was a match for the politicians born within the confines of his own intellectual circle; witty, brilliant, cunning and shallow, his weight in the political balance was purely materialistic; his scales of justice tipped to the side of cotton, slavery and popular passions, while the man who faced him now brought to the assembly cold logic in place of wit, frankness in place of cunning, reasoned will and judgment in place of chicanery and sophistry. Lincoln's presence infused into the mixed and uncertain throng something spiritual and supernormal. His looks, his words, his voice, his attitude were like a magical essence dropped into the seething cauldron of politics, reacting against the foam, calming the surface and letting the people see to the bottom.

"Is it not false statesmanship,' he asked, 'that undertakes to build up a sysstem of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about the very thing that everybody does care the most about? Judge Douglas may say he cares not whether slavery is voted up or down, but he must have a choice between a right thing and a wrong thing. He contends that whatever community wants slaves has a right to have them. So they have, if it is not wrong; but if it is a wrong he cannot say people have a right to do wrong. He says that upon the score of equality slaves should be allowed to go into a new Territory like other property. This is strictly logical if there is no difference between it and other property. If it and other property are equal his argument is entirely logical; but if you insist that one is wrong and the other right there is no use to institute a comparison between right and wrong.'

"When Lincoln sat down Douglas made one last feeble attempt at an answer; but Lincoln, in reply to a spectator who manifested some apprehension as to the outcome, rose, and spreading out his great arms at full length, like a condor about to take wing, exclaimed, with humorous indifference, 'Oh! let him go it!' These were the last words he uttered in the greatest debate of the ante bellum days."

ADVANTAGE OF JOINT DEBATES

"It would be an enormous advantage," observes George Haven Putnam in his volume on Lincoln, "for the political education of candidates and for the education of voters if such debates could become the routine in Congressional and Presidential campaigns." As at present conducted a campaign of speech-making is made, the principal features of which are meetings of sympathizers who approve the utterances of the orator, and thus is lost the great advantage from the questionings of opponents. An interruption of the speaker is considered to be a disturbance of order, and a man who asks questions is regarded as an interloper. system of joint debates, the speakers would be under a wholesome restraint regard

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ing their statements, which if incorrect or unreasonable would subject them to prompt criticism by their opponents. Thus the men who were chosen to be speakers would "have to possess some reasoning faculty as well as oratorical fluency." "I can conceive," says Putnam, "of no better method for bringing representative government on to a higher plane, and for making an election what it ought to be, a reasonable decision by reasoning voters, than the institution of joint debates."

REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN

"While the campaign was local in its inception," says Professor E. E. Sparks, "it became national in its significance and results. The issues as brought out in the debates, especially in the speech of Douglas at Freeport, widened, if they did not open, the breach between him and the southern Democrats, made a split in the (Democratic) convention of 1860 a foregone conclusion, and thereby paved the way for Republican success and the election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency. The debate also marked the high-tide of the 'stump' method of campaigning." The newspaper press throughout the country gave extensive space to reports of the speeches, while the speeches themselves were "of a high order of debate and of unusual import; those of Douglas set forth his untenable position and his impossible theory in the clearest terms, those of Lincoln state the arguments of the new Republican party as they had not been outlined before."

MR. LINCOLN CHOSEN THE STANDARD BEARER

Mr. Lincoln had been chosen as the standard bearer in the senatorial campaign at the Republican State Convention held in Springfield, in June 1858. The convention had endorsed him as its candidate, thus pledging the legislators elected on its ticket to vote for him for senator in the joint session to be held during the following winter. In the report of the proceedings it is stated that Charles L. Wilson, of Cook County, submitted the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted with shouts of applause: "Resolved, that Abraham Lincoln is the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States Senate, as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas." The delegates from Chicago had already prepared a banner inscribed, "Cook County for Abram Lincoln for United States Senator," but in the course of the proceedings a delegate waved a flag upon which was printed the word "Illinois," and moved that it be placed over the words "Cook County," and the motion was carried unanimously, so that the inscription then read "Illinois for Abram Lincoln." At that period the proper spelling of Mr. Lincoln's first name had not become fully established in the minds of the people.

LIVELY PUBLIC INTEREST IN THE CAMPAIGN

The interest taken by the people in political discussions was of the most earnest description. “It is astonishing," said a correspondent of the New York Evening Post, writing to his paper from Illinois during this famous campaign, "how deep an interest in politics this people take. Over long weary miles of hot and dusty prairie the processions of eager partisans come-on foot, on horseback, in wagons drawn by horses or mules; men, women, and children, old and young; the half sick, just out of the last 'shake,' children in arms, infants at the maternal

fount, pushing on in clouds of dust and beneath the blazing sun; settling down at the town where the meeting is, with hardly a chance for sitting, and even less opportunity for eating, waiting in anxious groups for hours at the places of speaking, talking, discussing, litigious, vociferous, while the war artillery, the music of the bands, the waving of banners, the huzzahs of the crowds, as delegation after delegation appears; the cry of the peddlers vending all sorts of ware, from an infallible cure of 'agur' to a monster watermelon in slices to suit purchasers-combine to render the occasion one scene of confusion and commotion.

"The hour of one arrives and a perfect rush is made for the grounds; a column of dust is rising to the heavens and fairly deluging those who are hurrying on through it. Then the speakers come with flags, and banners, and music, surrounded by cheering partisans. Their arrival at the ground and immediate approach to the stand is the signal for shouts that rend the heavens. They are introduced to the audience amidst prolonged and enthusiastic cheers; they are interrupted by frequent applause; and they sit down finally amid the same uproarious demonstration. The audiences sit or stand patiently throughout, and, as the last word is spoken, make a break for their homes, first hunting up lost members of their families, getting their scattered wagonloads together, and, as the daylight fades away, entering again upon the broad prairies and slowly picking their way back to the place of beginning."

In speaking of the pioneers of Illinois, Grierson in his book entitled "Valley of Shadows," says: "It was a wonderful people, living in a second Canaan, in an age of social change and upheaval, in a period of political and phenomenal wonders."

LONG SPEECHES OF THE CANDIDATES

The patience of the audiences gathered to hear the speeches of candidates, finds many illustrations. For example, at Peoria, in 1854, Senator Douglas had addressed a large audience at considerable length in the afternoon, and at the close of the address the people began to call for Lincoln, as it was understood that Lincoln was to make a speech in answer to that of Douglas. Mr. Lincoln then took the platform and spoke as follows:

"I do not arise to speak now, if I can stipulate with the audience to meet me here at half past six or at seven o'clock. It is now several minutes past five, and Judge Douglas has spoken over three hours. If you hear me at all, I wish you to hear me through. It will take me as long as it has taken him. That will carry us beyond eight o'clock at night. Now every one of you who can remain that long, can just as well get his supper, meet me at seven, and remain one hour or two later. The judge has already informed you that he is to have an hour to reply to me. I doubt not but you have been a little surprised to learn that I have consented to give one of his high reputation and known ability this advantage of me. Indeed, my consenting to it, though reluctant, was not wholly unselfish; for I suspected if it were understood, that the Judge was entirely done, you democrats would leave, and not hear me; but by giving him the close, I felt confident that you would stay for the fun of hearing him skin me. The audience signified their assent to the arrangement, and adjourned to 7 o'clock p. m., at which time they re-assembled, and Mr. Lincoln spoke."

An amusing story is told in Clark E. Carr's book on Douglas, showing Lincoln's ready wit. "When Senator Douglas made his first speech in Chicago," says Carr, "in opening the great campaign in which Lincoln was pitted against him, Mr. Lincoln was present and was invited to sit on the platform. On the evening before, the Common Council of Chicago had passed a resolution denouncing the 'Dred Scott decision,' and Douglas called the Council to account for attempting to reverse and override a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, saying that it reminded him of the statement of an old friend who used to declare that if you wish to get justice in a case you should take it to the Supreme Court of Illinois, and from that court take an appeal to a Justice of the Peace. Lincoln's voice was heard from behind the speaker, sotto voce, calling 'Judge! Judge! Judge!' The Senator paused and turned around, and Lincoln said, 'Judge, that was when you were on the Illinois Supreme bench.' So far from being put out by the interruption Judge Douglas repeated the joke of his 'friend Lincoln' to the audience."

JUDGE CARTER'S COMPARISON

A comparison between Lincoln and Douglas was made in an address by Judge Carter in Evanston, May, 1911, which is a valuable contribution to this subject. "Until the history-making debate of 1858," said Judge Carter, "Lincoln was little known outside of this State, while Douglas was then the most prominent man in either house of Congress. As Lincoln said in that debate, he was of world-wide renown. His great reputation undoubtedly fixed the attention of the nation on that extraordinary intellectual contest. At the opening of the debate Lincoln was known and seen largely in the reflected light of his great riyal. This debate, however, made his candidacy for the presidency possible, and his own fame now has almost completely eclipsed that of Douglas.

"The ordinary reader of history knows little of Douglas, except in association with Lincoln as the latter's opponent in this great forensic contest, and as the leading candidate against him for president. Considering the prominence and brilliancy of Douglas during his life his place in history seems now almost pathetic. These two men are most frequently compared, not so much because of their respective characters or ability, as from the fact that Lincoln was on the winning and Douglas on the losing side of a great national struggle. While we all believe that Lincoln was on the right side morally of the slavery question, it was most fortunate for his reputation and for the country that the time was then ripe for the settlement of that problem. Douglas found himself with the receding tide, Lincoln with the incoming. Without detracting in the slightest from the great ability and ever growing and well deserved reputation of Lincoln a study of the lives of these two men strongly emphasizes the truth of the old adage that 'Nothing succeeds like success.

PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS

Judge Carter, in the address just referred to, also remarked upon some personal characteristics which will aid the reader to form a more complete and satisfactory impression of these two great historical figures. "Both of these men in private life," said Judge Carter, "were above reproach; both of extraordinary ability, each very

different from the other. Lincoln was six feet four inches in height, weighed about one hundred and eighty-three pounds, was well built in proportion, and one of the strongest men physically of his time. Douglas was a trifle over five feet four; in his young manhood he weighed about one hundred pounds, but later in life about one hundred and forty.

"Douglas was very popular, a 'hail fellow well met' with every one with whom he associated. Doubtless in early life he was the more polished,-as that term is ordinarily used, of the two men. The statements, however, so often found that Lincoln was awkward and ill at ease in society are largely exaggerations. Those best qualified to judge state that he was at home wherever placed, whether in the society of men or women; that he was always the center of interest in any gathering. "They were both self-made men, succeeding largely through their own unaided exertions. Douglas had a little better opportunity for education, having gone practically through a high school course, while Lincoln's schooling was not more than a year all told, and that taken at odd times. The practice of the legal profession in their time was quite different from what it is now. There were but few libraries of any size, either public or private, in the State. In Springfield there were not over two or three that contained fifty volumes; in Chicago probably not more than a half dozen that contained over one hundred volumes. The Revised Statutes of Illinois, the Illinois Form Book, and a few elementary treatises constituted the usual library of a lawyer in the smaller towns. Common sense, the gift of speech, an aptitude for politics and regular attendance upon the courts in the circuit were the chief requisites of success at the bar when Lincoln and Douglas began the practice of law."

POLITICAL CONDITIONS

Briefly reviewing the political situation at this time the reader will recall that Douglas was chosen Senator from Illinois for the first time in 1847, and was reelected in 1853. Thus his second term would expire in 1859, and he must seek a new election from the Illinois legislature. While the state had been steadily Democratic up to this time, Douglas found himself obliged to enter the campaign of 1858 under peculiar and embarrassing circumstances. The plan for home rule in Kansas, advocated by Douglas, was called by him, "Popular Sovereignty," and frequently referred to by his opponents as "Squatter Sovereignty." While Kansas was yet a territory, and seeking admission as a state, a so-called constitution was adopted at Lecompton, but only pro-slavery men took part in its adoption. Although this fact was known at Washington, President Buchanan had transmitted it to Congress with his recommendation for its acceptance. Douglas, however, did not coincide with the President, and plainly told him that the acceptance by Congress of the "Lecompton Constitution" was not a fair test of popular sovereignty, thus displaying a spirit of independence which was one of Douglas' traits of character, and goes far to redeem his otherwise pro-slavery predilections.

President Buchanan was much incensed with Senator Douglas on account of the stand he had taken, and he warned him of his peril in adopting such a position. Douglas replied, "Mr. President, Andrew Jackson is dead," implying that the days of presidential dictation were past.

"The breach between Douglas and the administration," says Sparks, "was