He relates that he was born in Vermont on the 23d day of April, 1813. He was named after his father, Dr. Stephen A. Douglas, a physician by profession, a graduate of Middlebury College, who died when he was but two months old. His mother took her child and went to live with a brother who had no family of his own, and where young Stephen reached the age of fifteen living the life of a farmer's boy. He was provided with a good common school education, but became anxious for a more independent position than he then occupied, and so determined upon leaving home and finding employment "in the wide world among strangers."

Accordingly he left his mother and uncle and engaged to learn the cabinet making trade with one Nahum Parker who had a shop at Middlebury. "I have never," he says, "been placed in any situation or been engaged in any business which I enjoyed to so great an extent as the cabinet shop. I then felt contented and happy, and never aspired to any other distinction than that connected with my trade." But a change gradually took place. "Towards the end of the year," he continues, "I became dissatisfied with my employer in consequence of his insisting upon my performing some menial services in the house." This resulted in his leaving his place and returning to his uncle's. Soon after, however, he ob tained employment in another cabinet shop where he remained another year.

Young Douglas had developed a fondness for reading as he grew older, his interest being especially engaged with works of political writers. Even at this time he had become a strong adherent and supporter of Andrew Jackson, and remained throughout his life a believer and admirer of "Old Hickory." He says that from this moment his politics became fixed, and all subsequent reading and reflection and observation confirmed his early attachment to the cause of Democracy. His health failed him at length and he was obliged to give up his situation.

He commenced now to attend the Academy in his native town, but his mother having married a man living in New York state, he followed her to her new home. He then became a student in the Academy at Canandaigua and devoted himself zealously to the study of Greek and Latin, Mathematics and so forth. When he was twenty years old he left the Academy and entered a law office as a student, thus at last making a beginning in the profession in which he ultimately won distinction and renown.

"I pursued my law studies diligently five days in the week," he writes, "and the sixth I spent in reviewing my classical studies, until some time in the month of June in that year (1833). Finding myself in straitened pecuniary circumstances, and knowing my mother's inability to support me through a regular course of law studies, which would continue about four years longer according to the statutes of New York requiring a course of seven years' classical and legal study before admission to the Bar, I determined upon removing to the Western country and rely ing upon my own efforts for a support henceforth. My mother and relatives remonstrated, urging that I was too young and inexperienced for such an adventure; but finding my resolution fixed and unchangeable, they reluctantly consented, and kindly furnished me with three hundred dollars, the last of my patrimony, with which to pay my expenses.

"On the 24th of June, 1833 (being twenty years of age), I bid farewell to my friends, and started alone for the 'great West,' without having any particular place of destination in view." Arriving at Cleveland he presented some letters of in

troduction and was well received. Entering a law office at this place it then seemed that his career was fairly inaugurated. But an attack of fever unfortunately kept him confined to the house for some months, and after his recovery he determined to leave the place and push on farther west. His fortune was now reduced to but forty dollars, and by the time he had reached St. Louis by way of the Ohio river he was nearly at the end of his resources. He found that he must immediately engage in some employment which would defray his expenses, or go to some place not far distant where he could do so.

"My first effort," he continues "was to obtain a situation in some law office in the city where I could write and perform office labor sufficient to pay my expenses, and during the rest of the time pursue my law studies." But in this he was unsuccessful, and soon after he left the city. We now see the future statesman on the threshold of his residence in the state of his adoption and the arena of his nation-wide fame. His first point of arrival was at Jacksonville, Illinois, where he found himself with one dollar and twenty-five cents in his pocket. “One of my first acquaintances at Jacksonville," he says, "was Murray McConnell, Esq., a lawyer of some reputation, who advised me to go to Pekin on the Illinois river and open a law office. I informed him that I had never practiced law, had not yet procured my license, nor had I any library. He informed me that he would furnish me with a few books, such as I would stand in need of immediately, and wait for the pay until I was able to pay him, and did so to the amount of thirty dollars' worth, which I received and subsequently paid him for. He told me that a license was a matter of no consequence, that I could get one at any time I desired to do so. I concluded to take his advice, and consequently packed up my things and went to Meredosia on the Illinois river to take a steamboat to Pekin.

"Arriving at the river, I waited one week for a steamboat, and then I learned that the only boat which was expected up the river that season had blown up at Alton, and consequently there would be no boat until the next spring. What was now to be done? After paying my bill at the tavern I had but fifty cents left. I could find nothing to do there, and had no money to get away with. Something must be done, and that soon. I inquired as to the prospect of getting a school, and was told by a farmer residing in the country a few miles that he thought I could obtain one at Exeter, about ten miles distant; and if I would go home with him that night, he would go to Exeter with me the next day. I accepted his invitation, left my trunk at Meredosia, rode behind the farmer on the same horse to his home, and the next day we both went to Exeter.

"He introduced me to several citizens who were very polite and kind; but did not think a school could be obtained there; but if I would go to Winchester, eight or ten miles further, they had no doubt I would succeed in obtaining one.

I therefore determined to go to Winchester and make another effort. Accordingly I parted with my friend, the kind-hearted, hospitable farmer, and taking my cloak on my arm, went to Winchester on foot that night. Arriving in the town, I went to the only tavern in the place, introduced myself to the landlord and told him I wished to stop a few days with him, to which he readily assented. The landlord introduced me to the citizens generally, who seemed pleased with the idea of a new school in their little town, and in a few days obtained for me a subscription list of about forty scholars.

و

"In the meantime there was on the second day after my arrival, an administrator's sale, at which all the personal property of a dead man's estate was to be disposed of at auction, and the Administrator applied to me to be clerk at the auction, make out the sale bills, draw the notes, and so forth; which I very cheerfully consented to do and performed the duty in the best style I knew how, and received five dollars for two days' labor therein. About the first of December I commenced my school, and closed it about the first of March, having during the whole time a goodly number of scholars, and giving as I believe general satisfaction to both scholars and parents. During this period I attended to considerable law business before justices of the peace, and formed an extensive acquaintance with the people in that part of the county. There was considerable political excitement growing out of the veto of the United States bank and the removal of the deposits by General Jackson, or rather the removal of the Secretary of the Treasury because he would not remove the deposits, and the appointment of Mr. Taney in his place, who did remove them from the vaults of the United States Bank. "One evening at the Lyceum, Mr. a lawyer of some distinction from Jacksonville, made a speech denouncing the leading measures of General Jackson's administration, and especially the veto and removal of the deposits. He characterized the first of these acts as arbitrary and tyrannical, and the last as dangerous and unconstitutional. Being a great admirer of General Jackson's public and political character and a warm supporter of the principles of his administration, I could not remain silent when the old hero's character, public and private, was traduced and his measures misrepresented and denounced. I was then familiar with all the principles, measures and facts involved in the controversy, having been an attentive reader of the debates in Congress and the principal newspapers of the day, and having read also with great interest, the principal works in this country; such as the debates in the convention that formed the Constitution of the United States, and the convention of the several states on the adoption of the Constitution; the Federalist, John Adams's work denominated 'A Defense of the American Constitution,' the opinions of Randolph, Hamilton and Jefferson on the constitutionality of the Bank, and the history of the Bank as published by Gales & Seaton, Jefferson's Works, and so forth. I had read all of them and many other political works with great care and interest, and had my political opinions firmly established. I engaged in the debate with a good deal of zeal and warmth, and defended the administration of General Jackson and the cause of the Democratic party in a manner which appeared highly gratifying to my political friends, and which certainly gave me some little reputation as a public speaker; much more than I deserved.

"When the first quarter of my school expired I settled my accounts, and finding that I had made enough to pay my expenses, I determined to remove to Jacksonville, the county seat of the same (Morgan) county, and commence the practice of the law. In the month of March, I applied to the Hon. Samuel D. Lockwood, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court, and after a short examination, obtained a license, and immediately opened my office, being then less than twenty-one years of age. During the first week of my residence at Jacksonville some members of the Whig (alias the Federal) party called a county meeting, and made speeches and passed resolutions denouncing the administration in the severest terms, and

more especially in relation to the Bank and currency question. The next week the Democrats called a meeting, one of the most numerous and spirited I have ever witnessed in that county. It was composed principally of farmers and mechanics, men who are honest in their political sentiments and feel a deep interest in the proper administration of the public affairs, although but few of them are accustomed to public discussion.

"It so happened that at that time out of twelve members of the bar there was not a Democrat among them. This meeting I attended, and at the earnest solicitation of my political friends (for personal friends I had not then had time to form) I consented to make a speech. The excitement was intense, and I was rather severe in my remarks upon the opposition; so much so as to excite the bitter hostility of the whole of that party, and of course the warm support of my own party. The next week the Patriot, the organ of the opposition, printed and published by James G. Edwards, Esq., devoted two entire columns of that paper to me and my speech, and continued the same course for two or three successive weeks. The necessary consequence was that I immediately became known to every man in the county, and was placed in such a situation as to be supported by one party and opposed by the other. This notoriety acquired by accident and founded on no peculiar merit, proved highly serviceable to me in my profession; for within one week thereafter I received for collection demands to the amount of thousands of dollars from persons I had never seen or heard of, and who would not probably have known that such a person as myself was in existence but for the attacks upon me in the opposition papers.

"So essential was the service thus rendered to me by my opponents that I have sometimes doubted whether I was not morally bound to pay the editor for his abuse according to the usual prices of advertisements. This incident illustrates a principle which it is important for men of the world, and especially politicians, to bear in mind. How foolish, how impolitic, the indiscriminate abuse of political opponents whose humble condition or insignificance prevents the possibility of injury, and who may be greatly benefited by the notoriety thus acquired! I firmly believe this is one of the frequent and great errors committed by the political editors of the present day. Indeed, I sincerely doubt whether I owe most to the kind and efficient support of my friends, and no man similarly situated ever had better and truer friends, or to the violent, reckless and imprudent opposition of my enemies. Certain I am that without both of those causes united, I never could have succeeded as well as I have done. But I must forbear, for I find that I am philosophizing, which is far from my present purpose.

“During the summer of 1834, my time was about equally divided between law and politics, reading and practicing the one and preaching the other. There was a general election pending for governor, congressman and members of the legislature, in which I felt no special interest and took no active part. I supported the Democratic candidate; William Kinney for governor against General Joseph Duncan, and William L. May for congress against Benjamin Mills, and the Democratic ticket for the legislature in my own county. We lost our governor, elected our congressman, and a part of our legislative ticket.

"At this time John J. Hardin, Esq. (now General Hardin), held the office of State's Attorney under an appointment from Governor Reynolds, which then had

two years to run. He had procured this appointment through the aid and influence of Colonel James Evans, Colonel William Weatherford, Captain John Wyatt, and other leading Democrats, every one of whom he opposed at the next election after the appointment. Captain Wyatt was the only one of them who succeeded in his election, and was so indignant at Hardin for what he called his ingratitude, that he determined upon removing him from office at all hazards.

"The opposition having succeeded in electing their governor, there was no hope from that quarter; and the only resort left was to repeal the law conferring the appointment upon the governor, and make the office elective by the legislature. At the request of Captain Wyatt I wrote the bill, and on the second day of the session of the legislature which commenced on the first Monday in December, 1834, he introduced his bill, and also another bill written by myself making the County Recorder's election by the people, instead of being appointed by the governor. felt no peculiar interest in these bills any further than I thought them correct in principle, and desired to see them pass because my friends warmly supported them. "Both the bills were violently opposed by the Opposition (alias Federal) party, and advocated by a large majority of the Democrats, and they finally passed by a small majority. When sent to the Council of Revision (composed of the governor and judges of the Supreme Court) for approval, they were both vetoed, the former as unconstitutional, and the latter because it was inexpedient. Then came a desperate struggle between the friends and opponents of the bills, and especially the State's Attorney bill. The opposition charged that its only object was to repeal Hardin out of office in order to elect myself in his place, and that the whole movement had its origin in Wyatt's malice and my selfishness and ambition.

"I will here remark, and most solemnly aver to be true, that up to the time this charge was made against me, I never had conceived the idea of being a candidate for the office, nor had any friend suggested or hinted to me that I could or ought to receive it. But from that moment forward the friends of the bill declared, that in the event they passed the bill over the heads of the Council, I should be elected to the office. At this time I did not desire to be a candidate, for I had no reason to suppose I could be elected over so formidable an opponent, a man who had been for a long time a resident of the state, had fought in the Black Hawk war, and was well acquainted with the members. My short residence in the state, want of acquaintance and experience in my profession, and my age (being only twentyone years old) I considered insuperable objections. My friends, however, thought differently, passed the bill, and elected me on the first ballot by four votes majority.

"I will here remark that although I wrote this bill and reaped first fruits under it, and was inclined at that time to think it was correct in principle and ought to become a law, yet subsequent experience, observation and reflection have convinced me of my error; and I now believe that all legislative elections ought to be abolished, and the officers either appointed by the Governor and Senate, or elected by the people. In this remark I do not mean to include clerks of our courts whose appointments, I am inclined to think, ought to be vested in the Judges.

"Immediately upon my election as State's Attorney I procured all the standard works upon criminal law within my reach, such as Archbold, Chitty, Roscoe, McNally, Hale's "Pleas of the Crown," and so forth, and devoted myself to the study of them with a determination of making myself master of that branch of my pro