War II, we averted our eyes from militarism and aggression around the world. We dismantled the expeditionary forces we built during World War I and cut back on the training, equipment and maneuvers that would have ensured our forces were ready for combat.

When we finally began building up in 1940 and 1941, it was too late to deter the enemies of freedom. In Asia and in Europe, their policies of aggression and conquest threatened to overwhelm the democratic world.

That was the threat borne by the dive bombers and torpedo planes which attacked our parked aircraft and the ships lying peacefully at anchor that Sunday morning long ago.

It took months to turn the tide and 3 1/2 long years before our free nation was again secure. By war's end, we had assembled the most magnificent fighting force in history. Twelve million strong, it won victories on both sides of the globe.

Pearl Harbor showed us that failing to be ready to fight brings a high price. And that's a lesson a young naval aviator of the era, George Bush, took to heart.

A little more than a year ago, Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait and poised his forces to dominate the strategic region of the Persian Gulf. This time, we were ready to act. President Bush declared that Saddam's aggression would not stand. And we deployed sufficient forces to the gulf to back up our words with deeds.

We know the result. A sweeping campaign that made military history - victory in six weeks, with mercifully low casualties among American forces.

Our people in the gulf were volunteers, like most of you who served in Hawaii in December 1941. Like you, they represented all the services, regular and reservists, men and women. I hope you are proud of the legacy of service you left them. I can tell you, they are proud of the standard you set 50 years ago. Changing World

Today, a new era of freedom is changing the face of the globe. We are reducing our force structure to take advantage of the new opportunities for peace. But while we are changing the size of our military, we are not changing its character.

Our servicemen and women must remain trained and ready to ensure we can respond to crises quickly and in force. We must have forward-deployed units to enable us to defend our interests and alliances. We must keep our technological edge to ensure we can prevail in a world of increasingly sophisticated weaponry. And we must have the strategic capabili ties to deter nuclear conflict, as we continue to develop a strategic

defense against this threat.

We can reduce our military and still meet these goals, as long as we restructure our forces carefully. What we cannot do is slash the defense budget mindlessly to pay for other programs or save pet projects to benefit local constituencies at the cost of our troops' readiness and safety. It will take discipline for political leaders to stay the course. But our servicemen and women deserve no less.

Just as important, we must be prepared to reconstitute our forces if a violent and changing world requires us to meet a worsening threat. Any signal that we are not ready to defend ourselves will invite aggressors to act. You can depend on it.

As my friend and former colleague Sen. Dan Inouye said last year at the 49th anniversary of Pearl Harbor, we must not "tempt tyrants with messages of weakness."

Like many of you, Sen. Inouye paid the price when America's hesitation in the 1930s seemed to send such a message of weakness to the Axis powers. In the war that followed, he served with the 442nd Regimental Combat Team. It was one of several units in which Americans of Japanese ancestry served with valor. These included some of the most decorated units in the European theater, as well as the language specialists who volunteered for frontline service with our forces in Asia and the Pacific.

The future U.S. senator was charging a machine gun nest in Italy when his right arm was shattered by enemy fire. He survived to devote his courage and integrity to a life of public service to the nation.

Sen. Inouye is not the only American to have lived the lessons of history. All of you have shared the dedication to a strong defense - the devotion to the truths we can learn from the past.

That commitment has helped transform America into the world's most powerful democracy. Today, our nation is the moral leader of a new generation of freedom. But if we are going to be able to say the same about our children and grandchildren's world, we must do everything in our power to keep our nation strong.

Thank you very much.o

Military Preparedness

But in the peace that followed, we ignored the lesson of Pearl Harbor. We took it for granted that the victories we won for freedom would endure. Our forces were dismantled. Our equipment and weapons were left to rust. And we neglected the training that kept our troops ready for combat.

Just five years later, we faced a new threat when communist North Korea invaded the south. U.S. forces had to struggle just to keep a foothold on the peninsula. In less than two months, more than 1,300 Americans died — and that was just a fraction of the lives lost by the conflict's end.

We must never pay that kind of price again.

Remarks by Gen. Colin L. Powell, USA, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to the Pearl Harbor Survivors Association at a sunset ceremony, Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, Dec. 7, 1991.

Remember Pearl Harbor
Sacrifice

I am deeply moved to be here today at the Arizona shoreside facility, awash in the waning Hawaiian sunlight. Sunsets in Hawaii are perhaps more beautiful than at any other place on Earth. And now, as the sun dips to touch the waves, its beautiful fading light signals the closing of the day of the 50th anniversary of the attack on Pearl Harbor.

It has been a very busy day, with many emotional events, many emotional moments. I, for one, will remember this day for many, many years to come, and I am sure so will each and every one of you.

We are ending this day at precisely the right place and with precisely the right people. It is the right place because from here we can look out across the bay at the Arizona Memorial, which most poignantly reminds us of that fateful day 50 years ago.

As the sun rose this morning, I joined President and Mrs. Bush, Secretary and Mrs. Cheney, and one of your own members, retired Navy Capt. Donald Ross, as the president and the first lady scattered flowers on the sea from the memorial.

It was a most moving and heartwrenching moment for me because you find yourself standing there staring down at Arizona through the water almost as if you expected it to speak. In its own poetic way, perhaps she does, murmuring up to us her clear message of supreme sacrifice. The survivors of Pearl Harbor are the right people to close the day with because your memories most vividly recall the deadly events of that distant day in December of 1941. You have lived with those memories for half a century. Each of you has made peace with you in that day in your own individual way. Each of you has thoughts, prayers and hopes growing from your memories of that day.

I believe there are two very important reasons to remember to honor the survivors of Pearl

Harbor. First, because you made it through one of the darkest days in American history and second, because

you

remind us most strikingly that we should never let such a dark day come again.

Today, as we meet the challenges of a rapidly changing world, the message to bring to us is very, very important. We must never allow another Pearl Harbor.

There is a third reason why it is so very proper to close the day with my friends, the survivors of Pearl Harbor. Not only do you symbolize our nation's commitment to stay engaged in the world and to keep our armed forces trained, ready and proud, you are also living symbols of the great determination and courage which has carried America so successfully through the half century since Pearl Harbor.

In that half century, we have defeated fascism in two theaters of war, Europe and the Pacific, and we have fought and won a global war against communism. Our victory in that Cold War has irrevocably transformed our principal adversary, the Soviet Union. It has freed Eastern and Central Europe, and eventually it will end communism the world over.

first generation, I am the second, and our sons and daughters, some of whom fought recently in Southwest Asia are the third, and together we have brought tyranny to its knees.

In achieving our magnificent victories over tyranny, we have had much help from free people everywhere. I believe that one of the most remarkable evolutions of the past half century is that our most bitter enemies in World War II became our strong allies in the Cold War.

Why do such transformations happen? Why do our mortal enemies become our steadfast friends? Why today are the Soviets trying to work with the world instead of working against it, and why do our friends and allies around the globe still want America to stay engaged in the world?

Because they know that our power can be trusted. Because they know that we seek no territory. We seek no position of hegemony. We seek no fortune. We seek no empire. Because they know we give and we do not take. Because they know that our power means continued peace and progress in an atmosphere of stability. And because they know we believe in freedom, and our power means the march of freedom will inexorably continue.

Is there an American here today who does not love peace, who does not want the world to rest from its hatred, its wars and its bitter feuds? I think not. And America is nothing more, nothing less, than the combination of millions of people

Generations Pay Dues

Three generations of Americans have come of age, shouldered the responsibilities of power and liberty, and added their contributions, their sacrifices and, in some cases, their lives to this great struggle of freedom. You are the

“Is there an American here today who does not love peace, who does not want the world to rest from its hatred, its wars and its bitter feuds? I think not. And America is nothing more, nothing less, than the combination of millions of people such as you. All of us want peace. All of us want prosperity for ourselves and the other people of the world." Powell

pray for peace. When you pray for them, you pray for the future. When you pray for them, you pray for the 1,177 men whose final resting place lies out there beneath that white memorial, and you pray for all the heroes whose lives were lost on that fateful day in 1941.

We remember Pearl Harbor, we have remembered Pearl Harbor for 50 years. We will not forget it tomorrow. We must not forget the past. We must not forget those who sacrificed, but we must also remember the reason for their sacrifice. They died so tyranny would die. They died for the peace and the freedom and the prosperity that we enjoy. They died to create a better world for those of us who followed them. Their sacrifice was not in vain. No, not in vain.

I know I can speak for all Americans as we close this most memorable day when I say to you that we will always, always remember Pearl Harbor.

Thank you and God bless you all.o

such as you. All of us want peace. All of us want prosperity for ourselves and the other people of the world.

All of us want ... (an) end to war. All of us want a world without Saddam Husseins, a world without Pearl Harbors.

Cost of Peace

Yet at the same time no one knows better than you, the survivors of Pearl Harbor, that the road to peace can be a difficult one to travel.

The task of your armed forces is to protect us along that road, and the men and women serving today, the men and women that you saw on television, are your very, very proud and worthy successors. I want you to know that you have the

best and brightest men and women of our great country in your armed forces today.

And you saw them perform. You saw them prove that during Operation Desert Shield and Desert Storm and Just Cause.

They are just like you are, just like you were 50 years ago – proud, caring, determined and patriotic. And they are survivors, but more importantly, just like you, they are winners.

As the sun dips beneath the waves on this beautiful tropic island, I ask you to say a prayer for our men and women who are now spread over the world, from Frankfurt to Tokyo, from Alaska to Panama, from right here in Hawaii to far away in Southwest Asia.

When you pray for them, you

Published for internal information use by the American Forces Information Service, a lield activity of the Ollice or the Assistant Secretary or Defense (Public Affairs), Washington, D.C. This material is in the public domain and may be reprinted without permission.

What I would like to do today is share with you my perspective on the current landscape impacting how we think about national security. And second, I will describe what I think this environment means for counterintelligence and security professionals. Finally, I want to talk briefly with you about future directions.

Turning first to the current landscape, I am reminded of a statement attributed to Diogenes, who said, "Nothing endures but change." As we attempt to recalculate repeatedly the foreign intelligence threat, I think we will continue to find it a moving target far into the foreseeable future.

Most of us do not misunderstand the significance of world events. The monolithic East Bloc hostile intelligence effort, guided by the old KGB, no longer exists. The failed coup attempt last summer was its final death knell. That's not to say that various foreign intelligence services aren't operating; they are. But as the individual republics replaced the center's authority, the viability and targeting of the intelligence services as they exist today are changing dramatically as the geography and forms of government in the former Soviet Union evolve. However, make no mistake. The Soviet military hardware has not vanished; it just changed ownership.

tion of private business, created a level of exchange that made possible the success of democratization these past few years. However, this same fluidity, quite frankly, left the intelligence community capabilities in the dust, without our even realizing the extent of our inadequacies. An example of this phenomenon is seen in the proliferation arena.

Confident that we knew enough about other nations' capabilities and intentions to render accurate judgments about their intent to build nuclear weapons, our assumptions were rudely disproved by the discovery that Saddam's massive nuclear weapon programs were procured in large measure through the international business environment, which we did not adequately detect. Iraq's sophisticated use of telecommunications as well as an extensive underground command and control infrastructure were equally surprising; again, all built — mostly legitimately – with the aid of international business.

The multimedia explosion in many instances has either taken the place of our intelligence networks or simply outclassed it. The world was able to watch the failed Soviet coup attempt as a real-time event on news networks. And who can forget watching and hearing the bombing raid on Baghdad as reported by frightened CNN reporters?

But during the war, military commanders were sometimes forced to wait hours and even days for some hard-copy intelligence reports being hand-carried from within the theater and from the

continental United States. Not that we didn't communicate; we ran more than 135 megabits per second of data over military and commercial satellites. It was truly a communications blitz. But our data was not always well-arranged, and what connectivity existed was mostly established through ingenuity and "work arounds." Furthermore, not all of the communications were even useful. But nearly all of it was vulnerable to attack. In fact, our Soviet counterparts have pointedly reminded us that we were not really tested in this war.

So while the information age has connected the world, our ability to protect our vital information has limped far behind. Advances in computer and telecommunications technology and integrated applications of it have rendered our security applications obsolete. But while the power of information has been long recognized, the impact of system failures due to viruses or some other form of sabotage was not fully understood, at least not until recently. Last week's news coverage of the computer hacker success into DoD systems is one such signal of new attention, as are the recent failure in the public switched telephone network and the air traffic control outages. To warfighters of the future, the consequences of information network sabotage could be devastating

Attention Turned

Not surprisingly, intelligence agencies have turned much more attention to other areas of national interest. The rapid-fire globalization of economies and information, combined with the internationaliza

Defining National Security

Obviously, identifying friend from foe in this multipolar environment is a much more difficult task than it was in the past. We used to

1

define national security in the context of the great ideological confrontation; now we think in terms of the world market share, the environment and demographics. This isn't so bad. But balancing the competing requirements of economic competitiveness and free trade with the need to control core and dual-use technologies is becoming more — not less difficult. And the specter of military confrontation with an unstable, belligerent nation intent on using unconventional warfare capabilities poses unacceptable risks both to warfighters and innocent civilians. ADM (David E.) Jeremiah (vice chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff) put it this way: "We fear that the lesson some troublemakers will see in the recent Persian Gulf war is not that Saddam's aggression failed, but rather that it failed because he moved before he had fully developed his nuclear, chemical and biological arsenals."

More alarming, some 20 nations could have nuclear weapon capabilities within the next decade, not counting those that may confer to the individual republics if the Soviet Union becomes completely untethered. The "brain drain" of the former Soviet Union, including the migration of leading scientists and academicians, is already accompanied by the hawking of technology and hardware. Nuclear physics know-how can't be far behind. Indeed, some Middle East representatives are already roaming the streets of Moscow, trying to cash in on the fire sale.

The world coalition against Saddam Hussein marked great strides towards a united community. But no matter how much we wish it, some in the world community do not see international peace

as an individual responsibility, particularly when it comes to troubles at home or friction with an immediate neighbor. Indeed, one need only look eastward to the destruction wrought in Yugoslavia to understand that regional and ethnic factionalism outweighs more global considerations. But before we get too smug with our role in the world, we need to remember that there are plenty of examples here in our own backyard to demonstrate how this phenomenon happens. After all, an unsettling number of citizens found David Duke's chillingly racist message compelling enough to vote for him for governor of Louisiana.

I've tried to describe some of (the) dangers I see in the current environment. The new world order brings with it great promise, but it may neither be new nor orderly when it comes to the targeting of U.S. interests by foreign intelligence services, criminals and saboteurs. In my heart, I want to be optimistic, but I'm paid to see the glass half empty. Therefore, while I know that open borders heighten cultural awareness, I also realize that the greater access gives intelligence services far more opportunities to target those of us with access to our nation's secrets and vital infrastructure.

duty armed forces equalled that of our force structure in 1950. In the 10-year interval between 1985 and 1995, defense spending will have fallen by more than one-third. At least 1 million servicemen and women will leave the DoD payroll. The Army told me the other day that we are, right now, withdrawing nearly 450 men and women a day from Europe. By 1996, we will be spending 3.6 percent of the gross national product on defense, which is the smallest percentage since before World War II. This is the force we must support. The new environment places far more demands on all of us to be fiscally wise, intellectually rigorous in our analysis, managerially competent and well-integrated to boot.

The fall of Soviet-style communism has provided us with a window into the successful penetrations from the former East Bloc intelligence services. The leads from these cases mean that we must pursue them to conclusion, not just to "find out where we were had," but to find out where we need to go. In this respect, we cannot pursue rational investment strategies either in military hardware or intelligence systems unless we understand what we have given away. More important, the lessons learned from damage assessments in these cases may help develop effective countermeasures that mean the difference between success or failure, life or death for our forces in battle.

Our CI (counterintelligence) efforts are needed to protect our people and vital programs exposed to the treaty verification process. The increasing intrusiveness of the regimes allows unprecedented access in ways that not long ago we would have considered preposterous. Thus, we have established a process called the Defense Treaty Inspection Readiness Program to prepare ourselves for START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty). This multidisciplined approach, using teams representing the effected agencies, conducts "test" security and opsec (operational security) surveys of both industrial and government sites. We have found that this effort is paying big dividends for us in preparing the sites for reasonable security while ensuring that we will be in full

New Demands

There are some who believe that those of us in the counterintelligence and security countermeasures business are in the wrong job at the wrong time. Or as someone said to me, "a job whose time already came." I couldn't disagree more. Last month marked the first time that the size of our active